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Francesco S. Clavigero
(1721-1787)
History of Mexico, Vol. III

Richmond: Wm. Prichard, 1806

  • Title Page (Vol. I)
  • Preface   Contents (Vol. III)
  • Book 10   Appendix   Dis. I
  • Dis. II   Dis. III   Dis. IV   Dis. V
  • Dis. VI   Dis. VII   Dis. VIII   Dis. IX

  • Vol. I   Vol. II   1807 ed.

  • Transcriber's Comments


  • Acosta's Natural & Moral History (1604)  |  Southey's Madoc (1805)  |  Robertson (1812 ed)
    Von Humboldt's Researches (1814)  |  Del Rio's Ruins (1822)  |  View of the Hebrews (1823)

    (this web-page is under construction)
     

    [ iii ]





    C O N T E N T S

    OF  VOLUME  III.
    __________

    BOOK  X.


    01   Review and march of the Spanish army to Tezcuco
    07   Entry of the Spaniards into that court
    08   Revolutions there
    11   Dangerous expedition against Iztapalapan
    12   Confederacy of Otompan, and other cities with the Spaniards
    15   Transporting of the materials of the brigantines
    17   Expeditions against Xaltocan and Tlacopan
    20   Expeditions against Huaxtepec, Jauhtepec, and Jacapichtla
    23   Fruitless negociation with the court of Mexico
    24   March of the Spaniards through the southern mountains
    26   Conquest of Quauhnahuac
    27   Conquest of Xochimilco
    31   March of the Spaniards round the lakes to Tezcuco
    32   Conspiracy against Cortes
    33   List of preparations for the siege of Mexico
    34   Disposition of the army in the siege of the capital
    36   Punishment of Xicotencatl
    38   First hostilities and beginning of the siege
    42   First entry of the besiegers into the capital
    44   Increase of the auxiliary troops of the Spaniards
    46   New entries into the city
    47   Confederacy of several cities of the lake against the Spaniards
    49   Operations of Alvarado, and bravery of Tzilacatzin
    51   Treachery of the Xochimilcas, and other people
    52   Victory of the Mexicans
    57   Engagement of the brigantines and stratagems of the Mexicans
    58   Fruitless embassy to the king of Mexico
    60   Expeditions against the Malinalchese and Matlatzincas
    63   Memorable actions of the general Chichimicatl
    65   Slaughter made in Mexico, and bravery of some women
    69   Deplorable state of the Mexicans
    71   Fruitless attempts to make them surrender
    72   New conflict and horrid slaughter of the Mexicans
    73   Last assault, and taking of the city and kings


     

    iv                                         CONTENTS.                                              


    DISSERTATIONS.

    89   Dissert. I. Concerning the first peopling of America, and in particular that of Mexico
    93   Who were its first peoplers
    103   How men and animals passed to America

    122   Dissert. II. On the principal epochs in the history of Mexico

    146   Dissert. III. On the land of Mexico
    149   The pretended inundation of America
    160   The climate of Mexico
    177   The soil of Mexico

    191   Dissert. IV. On the animals of Mexico
    228   The animals transported there from Europe
    243   Catalogue of American quadrupeds
    243   Species acknowledged by Buffon
    250   The species which he has not distinguished, but confused with others similar to them
    251   The species of which he is ignorant, or unjustly denies to America

    256   Dissert. V. On the physical and moral constitution of the Mexicans
    257   Their corporeal and mental qualities

    304   Dissert. VI. On the degree of civilization and refinement of the Mexicans
    306   The want of money
    310   The use of iron
    313   The art of building ships, bridges, and of making lime
    317   The want of letters
    331   The arts of the Mexicans
    346   Their language
    354   The laws of the Mexicans
    370   Catalogue of European and Creole authors who have written in the languages of New Spain
    371   Authors of Grammars and Dictionaries of these languages

    373   Dissert. VII. On the boundaries of the kingdoms of Anahuac
    380   Population

    399   Dissert. VIII. On the religion of the Mexicans

    415   Dissert. IX. On the Origin of the French Evil


     

    [ 1 ]



    THE

    HISTORY

    OF

    M E X I C O.



    BOOK  X.


    March of the Spaniards to Tezcuco; their negotiations with the Mexicans; their excursions and battles in the environs of the Mexican lakes; expeditions against Ixcapichtlan, Quauhnahuac, and other cities; construction of the brigantines; conspiracy of same Spaniards against Cortes; review, division, and posts, of the Spanish army; siege of Mexico, imprisonment of king Quauhtemotzin, and fall of the Mexican empire.

    Cortez, who never quitted the thought of the conquest of Mexico, attended most diligently, while in Tlascala, to the building of the brigantines and to the discipline of his troops. He obtained of the senate a hundred men of burden, for the transportation of the fails, cordage, iron, and other materials of the vessels, which he had unrigged the preceding year on purpose to equip the brigantines; for tar he extracted a large quantity of turpentine from the pines on the great mountain Matlalcueje. He gave notice to the Huexotzincas,


     


    2                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    Cholulans, Tepejachese, and other allies, to prepare their troops and collect a large store of provisions of every kind for a numerous army, which was to be employed in besieging Mexico. When it appeared to him to be time to march, he made a review of his troops, which consisted of forty horse and five hundred and fifty infantry. He divided this small body of cavalry into four troops and the infantry into nine companies, some of them armed with guns, some with cross-bows, some with swords and shields, and others with pikes. From the horse on which he was mounted, while he was reviewing his troops and ordering the ranks, he made them this speech:

    "My friends and brave companions! any discourse which I might make to animate your zeal would be altogether superfluous, as we all acknowledge ourselves bound to repair the honour of our arms, and to revenge the death of the Spaniards and our allies: let us go to the conquest of Mexico, the most glorious enterprise which can present itself to us through life; let us go, to punish, with one stroke, the perfidy, the pride, and the cruelty of our enemies; to extend the dominions of our sovereign, by adding this large and rich domain to them; to pave the way to religion, and open the gates of heaven to many millions of souls; to gain with the labour of a few days a competence for our families, and to render all our names immortal; motives all capable of encouraging even the most dastardly minds, as well as your generous and noble hearts: I see no difficulty before us, which your bravery may not overcome: our enemies are indeed numerous, but we are superior to them in courage, in discipline, and in arms; besides, we have such a number of auxiliaries under our command,


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      3


    "that we might conquer with their assistance not one only, but many cities equal to Mexico: however strong it may be, it is not yet so powerful as to withstand the attacks we shall make upon it by land and water: lastly, God, for whose glory we sight, has shewn a disposition to prosper our designs; his providence has preserved us in the midst of all our disasters and dangers, has sent us new companions in the room of those we have lost, and converted to our benefit the means which our enemies employed for our ruin: what may we not expect in future from his mercy? let us confide in him, and not render ourselves unworthy of his protection by diffidence and pusillanimity."

    The Tlascalans, who endeavoured to imitate the discipline of the Spaniards, thought proper also to make a review of their troops before Cortes. The army was preceded by their martial music of horns, sea-shells, and other such wind instruments, after which came the four chiefs of the republic, armed with sword and shield, and adorned with most rich and beautiful plumes, which rose more than two feet above their heads; they wore their hair tied with fillets of gold, pendants of gems at their lips and ears, and shoes of great value upon their feet; behind them came their four shield-bearers, armed with bows and arrows; next the four principal standards of the republic appeared, each with its proper ensign wrought of feathers; then passed in regular ranks of twenty each the troops of archers, carrying at certain distances, the particular standards of their companies, every one of which was composed of three or four hundred men. They were followed by the troops, armed with swords and shields, and lastly, by the pikemen. Herrera and Torquemada affirm, that the archers amounted to sixty,


     


    4                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    the pikemen to ten, and the others armed with swords, to forty thousand in number. Xicotencatl, the younger, made also an address to his troops, after the example of Cortes, in which he told them, that the next day, as had already been intimated, they were to march with the brave Spaniards against the Mexicans, their inveterate enemies; that although the Tlascalan name was sufficient to intimidate all the nations of Anahuac, they must exert themselves to acquire new glory from their actions.

    Cortes, on his part, assembled the principal lords of the allied states, and exhorted them to constant fidelity to the Spaniards, exaggerating to them the advantages they might hope for, from the ruin of their enemy, and the evils they might dread, if ever from the suggestions of the Mexicans, or the fear of war, or fickleness of mind, they should violate their promised faith. He then published a military proclamation for the conduct of his troops, containing the following articles:

    1st. No person shall blaspheme against God, nor the blessed Virgin, nor against the saints.

    2d. No person shall quarrel with another, nor put his hand to his sword nor any other weapon, to strike him.

    3d. No person shall game with his arms, or his horse, or iron tools.

    4th. No person shall force any woman, under pain of death.

    5th. No person shall take away the property of another, nor punish any Indian, unless he is his slave.

    6th. No person shall make excursions from the camp without our permission.

    7th. No person shall make any Indian prisoner, nor plunder his house, without our permission.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      5


    8th. No person shall ill use the allies, but, on the contrary, must exert every means to maintain their friendship.

    And because it is of no service to publish laws, if the observance of them is not zealously attended to, and delinquents punished, he ordered two Moors, his slaves, to be hanged, because they stole a turkey and two cotton mantles. By these, and other similar punishments, he made his orders be regarded, which greatly contributed to the preservation of his troops.

    After he had made all the dispositions which he thought would conduce to the happy issue of his enterprise, he at length marched with all his Spaniards, and a considerable number of the allies, on the 28th of December, 1520, having first heard mass, and invoked the Holy Spirit. He did not then choose to take the whole army of the allies with him, which had been reviewed the day before, both on account of the difficulty which there would be to maintain so numerous an army in Tezcuco, and because he thought it necessary to leave the greater part of them in Tlascala to guard the brigantines, when it mould be time to transport them. Of the three roads, which led to Tezcuco, Cortes chose the most difficult, being wisely persuaded that the Mexicans would not expect him there, and his march would consequently be more safe. He proceeded therefore by Tetzmellocan, a village belonging to the state of Huexotzinco. On the 30th, they discovered, from the highest summit of those mountains, the beautiful vale of Mexico, partly with gladness because there lay the object of their desires; partly with some disgust, from the remembrance of their disasters. In beginning to descend towards that vale, they found the way obstructed with trunks and branches of trees laid across it designedly,


     


    6                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    and were obliged to employ a thousand Tlascalans to clear it. As soon as they reached the plain, they were attacked by some flying troops of the enemy; but upon some of them being killed by the Spaniards, the rest fled. That night they quartered in Coatepec, a place about eight miles distant from Tezcuco; and the day following, as they were marching towards that capital, in some doubt and anxiety concerning the disposition of the Tezcucans, but at the same time resolved not to return without having taken some revenge of their enemies, they saw coming to them four respectable persons unarmed, one of them with a little golden flag in his hand; and Cortes recollecting that this was an ensign of peace, he advanced to confer with them. These four messengers were sent by king Coanacotzin to compliment the Spanish general, to invite him to the court, and to request him not to commit any hostilities in his states, which presented him the flag, containing thirty-two ounces of gold. Cortes, notwithstanding this shew of friendship, reproached them for the death they had a few months before been the cause of to forty-five Spaniards, five horses, and three hundred Tlascalans, who accompanied them loaded with gold, silver, and arms for the Spaniards who were then in Mexico, and executed with such inhumanity, that they had hung up the fluns of the Spaniards, with their arms and habits, and those of the horses with their armour, as trophies in the temples of Tezcuco. He added, that although it was impossible to compensate the loss of his people, they must at least pay the gold and silver which they had robbed from them; that if they did not make the due satisfaction, he would, for every Spaniard they had killed, flay a thousand Tezcucans. The messengers answered, that the Mexicans, and


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      7


    not the Tezcucans, under whose orders the Zoltepechese had acted, were blameable for that; but, notwithstanding, they would use every endeavour to make all be restored to him; and having taken polite leave of the Spanish general, returned in haste to Tezcuco with the news of the near arrival of the Spaniards at that court.

    Cortes entered with his army into Tezcuco, on the last day of that year. Some nobles came out to meet him, and conducted him to one of the palaces of the late king Nezahualcojotl, which was so large, that not only the six hundred Spaniards were lodged in it, but, according to what Cortes says, it could have accommodated six hundred more. That general soon perceived the concourse of people in the streets remarkably diminished, as he thought he did not see the third part of the inhabitants which he had seen upon former occasions, and particularly observed that the women and children were out of the way, which was a manifest token of some evil disposition in that court. In order to lessen the distrust of the citizens, and avoid any accident to his own people, he published a proclamation, in which he forbad, under pain of death, any of his soldiers to leave their quarters without his permission. After dinner, they observed from the terraces of the palace a great number of people abandoning the city, some withdrawing to the neighbouring woods, and others to different places around the lake. The night following, the king Coanacotzin absented, transporting himself to Mexico by water, in spite of Cortes, who designed to have taken him, as he had formerly done, his three brothers Cacamatzin, Cuicuitzcatzin, and Ixtlilxochitl. Coanacotzin could not pursue any other measure; for how was it possible he could think himself secure among the Spaniards, after


     


    8                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    having seen what had happened to his brothers, and Montezuma his uncle? And particularly being apprehensive that many of his own subjects would rake occasion to declare themselves his enemies, some from their fear of the Spaniards, or the particular interest of their families; others, to revenge the death of Cuicuitzcatzin, and place Ixtlilxochitl on the throne.

    The revolutions which happened in that court sufficiently justified the resolution he formed. Cortes was hardly three days in Tezcuco, when the lords of Huexotla, Coatlichan, and Atenco, three cities so near, as we have already mentioned, to Tezcuco, that they appeared like its suburbs, presented themselves to him, intreating him to accept their alliance and friendship. Cortes, who desired nothing more earnestly than to augment his party, received them kindly, and promised his protection. The court of Mexico, as soon as it knew of this change, sent a severe reprimand to those lords, telling them, that if their motive for adopting so base a measure was the fear which they had of the power of their enemies, it was fit for them also to know, that the Mexicans had still greater forces, by which they would soon see the Spaniards, with their favourite allies the Tlascalans, totally crushed; that if they had been obliged to it, for the interest of the states and possessions which they owned in Tezcuco, they might come to Mexico, where they would be assigned better lands. But those lords, instead of being intimidated with the reprimand, or yielding to the promises made them, seized the messengers, and sent them to Cortes. He demanded of them the purport of their embassy? To which they answered, that as they knew those lords to be in his favour, they had come to intreat them to be mediators for peace between


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      9


    the Mexicans and the Spaniards. Cortes affected to believe what they told him, set them at liberty and charged them to tell their sovereign, that he did not wish for war, neither would wage it, if he was not compelled by hostilities from the Mexicans; that therefore the king should attend, and guard against offering any injury to the Spaniards, otherwise they would become his enemies, and infallibly ruin his capital.

    The alliance of those cities was of no small importance to Cortes, but of all things it was most necessary to bring that court in his favour, both on account of the numerous nobility which it contained, and their influence on the other cities of the kingdom. From the first moment he entered that city he studied to gain their minds by every civility and courtesy, and enjoined the same thing to his people, forbidding most severely all kinds of hostility towards the citizens. He discovered, from the beginning, a party of the nobility favourable to the prince Ixtlilxochitl, whom he still kept confined for some purpose in Tlascala. He made him be brought to court by a strong party of Spaniards and Tlascalans, presented him to the nobility, and got them to acknowledge him king, and crown him with the same ceremonies and rejoicings usually made for their lawful sovereign. Cortes promoted his advancement as much to revenge himself of the lawful king Coanacotzin, as because the kingdom was dependent upon him. The people accepted him, either because they durst not oppose the Spaniards, or because they were tired of the government of Coanacotzin. Ixtlilxochitl was a youth of about twenty-three years; from the time of the first entry of the Spaniards into Tlascala he had declared himself openly for the Spaniards, had presented himself to Cortes with offers


     


    10                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    of his army, and invited him to make his journey to Mexico by Otompan, where he was then encamped; but, in spite of his friendly intentions and obsequiousness, he was made prisoner by the Spaniards, when they came off in defeat from Mexico, and was confined in Tlascala until he was called to the throne. The circumstances of this event makes us believe, that his imprisonment was an honourable oppression of his liberty, coloured with one of those specious pretexts, which are usually invented by artful politicians, when, on account of some particular dissidence and distrust, they wish to render themselves secure. From long habit with the Spaniards he had become familiarised with their customs and manners. On the throne he had but the appearance of majesty; he was much less the lord of his subjects than minister of the pleasure of the Spaniards, to whom he rendered great services, not only in the conquest of Mexico, in which he served with his person and troops, but also in the rebuilding of that capital, for which he furnished some thousands of architects, masons, and labourers. He died extremely young, in 1523, and was succeeded in the sovereignty of Tezcuco by his brother Don Carlos, of whom afterwards we shall make honourable mention. By the advancement of Ixtlilxochitl, and the civilities shewn him by Cortes, the party of the Spaniards was considerably augmented, and all those families of Tezcuco which had absented from fear of hostilities from those strangers, finding themselves now secure, gladly returned to their houses.

    Cortes was resolved to keep his quarters in Tezcuco, and had therefore busied himself in fortifying the royal palace, where his troops were lodged. He could not take any measure more conducive to his purposes. Tezcuco,


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      11


    the capital of the kingdom of Acolhuacan, and a city of great extent, abounded with every sort of provision for the support of an army. It had good houses for their habitations, excellent fortifications for their defence, and plenty of artificers for every kind of labour they required. The dominions of Tezcuco also, from bordering on those of Tlascala, rendered the necessary communication with that republic more easy; the neighbourhood of the lake was of great importance for the construction of the brigantines, and the advantageous situation of that court gave the Spaniards a knowledge of all the movements of their enemies, without exposing them to their attacks.

    After having arranged matters in Tezcuco, Cortes resolved to make an assault on the city of Iztapalapan, to revenge himself upon it and its citizens, for the offences received from their ancient lord Cuitlahuatzin, whom he knew to be the author of the memorable defeat of the first of July. He left a garrison of more than three hundred Spaniards, and many allies, under the command of Sandoval, in Tezcuco, and marched himself with upwards of two hundred Spaniards, and more than three thousand Tlascalans, and a great many of the Tezcucan nobility. Before they arrived at Iztapalapan, they were met by some troops of the enemy, who feigned to oppose their entry, fighting partly on land, and partly by water, but retiring as they fought, with a shew of not being able to withstand the attack. The Spaniards and Tlascalans thus employed in driving the enemy before them, entered the city, the houses of which they found in a great measure unpeopled, the citizens having withdrawn with their wives and children, and tie greater part of their goods, to the houses which


     


    12                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    they had upon the little islands in the lake; but there they were pursued by their enemies, who fought also in the water. The night was now well advanced, and the Spaniards, who were rejoicing at the victory which they believed they had obtained, were busied in sacking the city, and the Tlascalans were setting fire to the houses; but their gladness soon changed into terror, for by the same light of the burning of the city, they observed the water overflow the canals, and begin to lay the city under water. As soon as the danger was discovered, a retreat was founded, and the city was in haste abandoned, in order to return to Tezcuco; but in spite of their diligence they came to a place where there was so much water that the Spaniards passed it with difficulty, and some of the Tlascalans were drowned, and the greatest part of the booty lost. Not one of them would have escaped with life, if, as Cortes affirms, they had continued three hours longer in the city; for the citizens, in order to drown all their enemies, broke the mole of the lake, and entirely deluged the city. The next day they continued their march along the lake, still harassed by the enemy. This expedition did not prove very agreeable to the Spaniards; but although they lost their plunder, and many were wounded, only two Spaniards and one horse died. The loss of the enemy was a great deal more; for, besides the ruin of their houses, upwards of six thousand of them, agreeably to the account made by Cortes, were slain.

    The disgust, which this expedition gave to Cortes was soon compensated by the obedience which he received by means of their ambassadors from the cities of Mizquic, Otompan, and others in that quarter, alleging, in order to obtain his favour, that those states having


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      13


    been solicited by the Mexicans to take arms against the Spaniards, would never consent. Cortes, who was continually increasing his authority, the more he augmented his party, required from them, as a necessary condition for the obtainment of his alliance, that they should seize all the messengers who were sent to them from Mexico, and all the Mexicans who arrived at their cities. They, though not without the greatest difficulty, bound themselves to do so, and from that time forward were constantly faithful to the Spaniards.

    This confederacy was immediately followed by that with Chalco, a considerable city and state on the eastern border of the lake of sweet water; for Cortes knowing that the Chalchese were disposed to adhere to his party, but dared not declare themselves for fear of the Mexican garrison in their state, sent Sandoval there with twenty horses, two hundred Spanish infantry, and a number of allies; but, previously, he ordered some Tlascalan troops to march, who were desirous of carrying home to their own country that part of the booty which they had brought off from Iztapalapan, and from thence to return towards Chalco, and drive the Mexicans from that state. Sandoval gave the vanguard to the Tlascalans; some Mexican troops, who were in ambush, charged suddenly upon them, threw them into disorder, killed some of them, and took their booty; but the Spaniards coming up, defeated the Mexicans and put them to flight. Having recovered their booty, the Tlascalans continued their journey in safety, and Sandoval marched towards Chalco; but long before he arrived at the city, the greatest part of the Mexican garrison came to meet him, which, as some historians affirm, consisted of twelve thousand men. A battle was fought, which lasted two hours, and


     


    14                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    concluded with the slaughter of many Mexicans, and the flight of the rest. The Chalchese, apprised of the victory, came with great rejoicing to meet the Spaniards, and introduced them in triumph into their city. (e) The lord of that state, who had died a short time before of the small-pox, had, in the last moments of his life, warmly recommended it to his two sons to confederate with the Spaniards, to cultivate their friendship, and adopt Cortes for a father. In consequence of his last desire, those two youths repaired to Tezcuco, accompanied by the Spanish army, and many Chalchese nobles, presented the value of one hundred and fifty sequins in gold to Cortes, and established the alliance, to which they were always faithful. The cause of rebellion, so frequent among the people of that empire, was in some the fear of the Spanish arms, and the power of their allies; and in others, their hatred to, and impatience under, the Mexican yoke. It is impossible to expect constant fidelity from subjects who are rather influenced by terror than kindness. No throne can be more unstable than that which is supported by force of arms more than by the love of the people. Cortes, after caressing the two Chalchese youths, divided the state between them, either at their own request, or the suggestions of the nobility. He conferred on the eldest the principal city, and some other places; and on the youngest he settled Tlalmanalco, Chimalhuaca, and Ajotzinco.

    __________
    (e) Solis, in his account of this event, commits two geographical errors; first, he supposes the city of Chalco contiguous to Otompan, whereas the court of Tezcuco, and other considerable cities of the kingdom of Acolhuacan are between them, as we have shewn in our geographical chart of the Mexican lakes. Secondly, he says, that the states of Chalco and Tlascala bordered upon each other, whereas there is a wood of fifteen miles long, and a part of the dominions of Huexotzinco between them.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      15


    The Mexicans did not cease to make incursions into the states which had confederated with the Spaniards, but the diligence used by Cortes in sending succour to them, made their attempts generally fruitless. amongst others, the Chalchese came in the space of a few days to request the assistance of the Spaniards; for they had learned that the Mexicans were preparing to strike a severe blow upon that state which had recently renounced subjection to them. Cortes could not at this time comply with their demand; for having now finished all the labour of the masts, the planks, and other apparatus of the brigantines, he had occasion for all his troops to transport them safely to Tezcuco. He advised the Chalchese, however, to make an alliance with the Huexotzincas, the Cholulans, and the Quauhquechollans. They objected to such a confederacy, on account of their ancient enmity to those people. The Chalchese were hardly departed, when three messengers came seasonably to Tezcuco from Huexotzinco and Quauhquechollan, sent by those lords to express their apprehensions, on account of certain smoke, observed by the centinels whom they had posted on the tops of the mountains, which was a strong indication of war, and to offer their troops to his command whenever he chose to make use of them. Cortes availed himself of this favourable opportunity to unite those states in alliance with that of Chalco, obliging them to lay aside for their common benefit any resentment subsisting between individuals. This alliance was so firm, that from that time forward they mutually assisted each other against the Mexicans.

    It being now time to transport the timber, fails, cordage, and iron, for the brigantines, Cortes sent Sandoval with two hundred Spaniards and fifteen horses for that


     


    16                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    purpose, charging him to go first to Zoltepec, and take ample revenge on those citizens for the slaughter of the forty-five Spaniards and three hundred Tlascalans, of whom we have already made mention. The Zoltepechese, when they perceived this storm coming upon them, deserted their houses to save their lives by flight, but they were pursued by the Spaniards, and many of them killed, and others made slaves. From thence Sandoval marched to Tlascala, where he found every thing ready for the transport of the finished materials of the brigantines. The first brigantine was built by Martino Lopez, a Spanish soldier, who was an engineer in the army of Cortes, and was put to proof in the river Zahuapan. After that model the other twelve were built by the Tlascalans. The transport of them was executed with great rejoicing and expedition by the Tlascalans, the load appearing to them of little weight, which was to contribute to the ruin of their enemies. Eight thousand Tlascalans carried on their backs the beams, sails, and other materials, necessary for the construction of the brigantines; two thousand were loaded with provisions, and thirty thousand were armed for defence, under the command of the three chiefs Chichimecatl or Chichimecateuctli, Ajotecatl, and Teotepil or Teotlipil. This convoy occupied, according to Bernal Diaz, upward of six miles of space, from van to rear. When they see out from Tlascala, Chichimecatl commanded the vanguard, but whenever they got without the dominions of the republic, Sandoval gave him the rearguard, fearing some attack from the enemy. This occasioned great disgust to the Tlascalan, who boasted of his bravery, alleging, that in all the battles in which he had ever been concerned, he had always, in example of


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      17


    his ancestors, taken the most dangerous post; and Sandoval was obliged to make use of arguments and entreaties to pacify him. Cortes, arrayed in his most splendid apparel, and accompanied by all his officers, came to meet them, and embraced and thanked those Tlascalan lords for their kind services. Six hours were spent in entering into Tezcuco in the best order, and with the cry of Castile! Castile! Tlascala! Tlascala! in the midst of the noise of the military music.

    The general Chichimecatl was hardly arrived, when, without taking any rest after the fatigue of his journey, he requested Cortes to employ him and his troops against the enemy. Cortes, who waited for nothing else than the arrival of the auxiliary troops of Tlascala, to execute an expedition which he had been meditating for some time, after leaving a strong garrison in Tezcuco, and giving the proper orders for the completing of the brigantines, set out on his march in the beginning of spring 1521, with twenty-five horses, and six small pieces of artillery, three hundred and fifty Spaniards, thirty thousand Tlascalans, and a part of the Tezcucan nobility; and because he was afraid that the Tezcucans, whom he did not altogether trust, might give secret advice to the enemy and frustrate his designs, he left Tezcuco without publishing the object: of his expedition. The army travelled twelve miles towards the north, and remained that night under the open sky. The next day it proceeded to attack Xaltocan, a strong city situated in the middle of a lake, with a road leading to it, ctit like those of Mexico, with several ditches. The Spanish infantry, assisted by a considerable number of the allies, passed the ditches, through a thick shower of darts, arrows, and stones, by which many were


     


    18                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    wounded; but the citizens not being able to endure longer the slaughter which the Spanish arms made of them, abandoned the city, and saved themselves by flight. The conquerors plundered the city, and set fire to some of the houses.

    The day following they proceeded towards the large and beautiful city of Quauhtitlan, as Cortes justly calls it, but they found it depopulated; the citizens having been terrified by what had happened to Xaltocan, and betaken themselves to some place of security.

    From thence they passed to Tenajocca, and to Azcapozalco, and because they met with no resistance from any of those three cities they did them no hurt. At last they came to the court of Tlacopan, the limit which Cortes had proposed to himself for the expedition, where he meant to solicit some accommodation with the court of Mexico, and if that should not succeed, to inform himself in the neighbourhood of its designs and preparations. He found the citizens of that place disposed to dispute his entrance. They attacked the Spaniards with their usual fury, and fought courageously for some time; but at length becoming unable to withstand the fire of their guns, and the impetuosity of the horses, they retreated to the city. The Spaniards, on account of its being late, lodged in a large house of the suburbs. The next day the Tlascalans set fire to many houses of the city, and, during six days, which the Spaniards remained there, they had continual skirmishes, and some famous duels were fought between the Tlascalans and the citizens of Tlacopan; but they both fought with extreme bravery, and vented the hatred which they bore each other in a thousand reproaches. Those of Tlacopan called the Tlascalans the damsels of the Spaniards, without


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      19


    whose protection they never would have dared to advance so near to that city. The Tlascalans answered in their turn, that the Mexicans, and all their partizans, rather ought to have the name of women given them; being so superior in number, and yet never able to subdue the Tlascalans. The Spaniards themselves did not escape from insults of this kind. They were ironically invited to enter Mexico to command there like lords, and to enjoy all the pleasures of life. "Do you think, Christian," they said to Cortes, "that things will go on in the same way as they did last time? Perhaps you imagine there is another Montezuma reigning in Mexico devoted to your pleasures? Enter, enter the court, where you will all be made a sacrifice to the gods." During the engagements, which they had in those six days, the Spaniards entered that fatal road, and approached to those memorable ditches, where, nine months before, they had been so cruelly defeated. They found there a terrible resistance, and in an instant they apprehended to be utterly destroyed; for by being busied in pursuing some Mexican troops who had come designedly to insult them, and lead them into danger, they found themselves unexpectedly attacked, from both quarters on the road, by such a numerous enemy, that they with difficulty retreated, combating most furiously until they came to the main land. In this conflict five Spaniards were killed and many wounded. Of the Mexicans, many were slain in this and the other engagements. Cortes, disgusted with the ill success of his expedition, returned with his army by the same road to Tezcuco, suffering new insults from the enemy in his march, who ascribed his retreat to fear and cowardice. The Tlascalans, who accompanied the


     


    20                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    Spaniards in their expedition, having amassed a large quantity of spoils, demanded permission of Cortes to carry them into their own country, which was readily granted.

    Sandoval, who, in the absence of Cortes, had taken care of that post, departed from it two days after the arrival of that general, with twenty horses, three hundred Spaniards, and a great number of allies, to the succour of the Chalchese, who were apprehensive of a strong assault from the Mexicans; but having found a great number of the troops of Huexotzinco and Quauhquechollan, who were come to their assistance, and knowing that the greatest damage was done to that city by the Mexicans, who were in the garrison of Huaxtepec, a city situated in the mountains, fifteen miles to the southward of Chalco, he proceeded there. On their march they were attacked by two great bodies of the enemy, but they quickly defeated them; this was owing in a great measure to the immense multitude of allies, whom the Spaniards took with them. They entered into Huaxtepec, and lodged themselves in some great houses of that city, to rest themselves and cure their wounded; but immediately they had a new assault from the Mexicans, and were compelled to take up arms again to repulse them. Having defeated and pursued them upwards of three miles until they were entirely routed, they returned to the city, where they halted two days. Huaxtepec was a city at that time famous not only for its excellent manufactures of cotton, but also for its wonderful garden, of which we have already made mention.

    From Huaxtepec Sandoval sent messengers to offer peace to the inhabitants of Jacapichtla, a very strong


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      21


    place about six miles distant, situated on the top of a mountain, almost inaccessible to cavalry, and defended by a competent garrison of Mexicans; but his proposals being rejected, he marched towards that city, determined to strike a blow there, which would humble their pride, and for ever deliver the Chalchese from the evils which harassed them continually from that quarter. The Tlascalans, and other allies were intimidated by the sight of so much difficulty and danger; but Sandoval, animated by that great spirit which displayed itself in all his actions, resolved to conquer or die. He began to ascend with his infantry, having to surmount at the same time both the ruggedness of the mountain, and the multitude of the enemy, who defended it with at shower of darts and stones, some of which were of immoderate size, and although they broke in falling on the rocks between, wounded the Spaniards with the fragments; but nothing could restrain them from entering the city bathed in sweat and blood, after which example the allies did the same. The fatigue and their wounds inflamed their indignation so much, that they attacked the enemy with the utmost fury; who, to escape from their swords, fled down the precipices of the mountain. So much blood was spilt, that it purpled a little stream which ran there, and changed its waters so, that for more than an hour the conquerors could not use it to quench the thirst which distressed them; (f) "This,"

    __________
    (f) Bernal Diaz ridicules Gomara for this account of the waters having been so discoloured with blood: but Diaz was not present at this expedition, and we ought therefore to give more faith to Cortes, who says, the slaughter which the Spaniards made of the enemy, and which the enemy made of themselves by precipitating themselves from that eminence, was so great, that all who were present affirm, that a little river which surrounded almost all that place, remained for upwards of an hour so tinged with blood that they could not drink of it.


     


    22                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    says Cortes, "was one of the most signal victories, in which the Spaniards gave the strongest proofs of their courage and constancy." This day cost the life of Gonzalo Dominguez, one of the bravest soldiers Cortes had, and whose loss was most sensibly felt by them all.

    The Mexicans were so enraged at the slaughter committed at Jacapichtla, that they sent twenty thousand armed men in two thousand vessels, against Chalco. The Chalchese implored as before the assistance of the Spaniards, and their messengers arrived just as Sandoval returned from Jacapichtla, with his army fatigued, exhausted, and wounded. Cortes ascribing too inconsiderately those repeated hostilities of the Mexicans against the Chalchese to some neglect of that unparalleled commander, without first enquiring into his conduct, hearing, or allowing him a moment of repose, commanded him to march immediately to Chalco with the soldiers who were least wounded, to the assistance of those allies. Sandoval was extremely disgusted with the flight offered him by his general, at the time he ought rather to have expected the greatest praises; but he had as much prudence in dissembling his sense of this injury, and as much readiness to obey, as he had shewn courage in that arduous enterprise. He set out without delay for Chalco; but when he arrived there he found the battle over, in which the Chalchese remained victorious, with the assistance of their new allies of Huexotzinco and Quauhquechollan; and although they sustained a considerable loss, they killed a number of the enemy and made forty prisoners, among whom were a general of the army and two persons of the first nobility, who were consigned by the Chalchese to Sandoval, and by him sent to Cortes. This general having discovered his error, and


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      23


    being well informed of the irreprehensible conduct of Sandoval, endeavoured to appease his just resentment by particular marks of honour and esteem.

    Cortes being desirous of an accommodation with the court of Mexico, both in order to avoid the fatigue and distresses of war, and to make himself master of so beautiful a city without ruining it, resolved to send those two persons who were prisoners with a letter to king Quauhtemotzin; which, although it could not be understood by the court, as they were totally ignorant of the characters of it, would however be a credential and token of his embassy. He explained the contents of the letter to the messengers, and charged them to represent to their sovereign, that he pretended to nothing more than that the king of Spain should be acknowledged lord of that land, agreeably to what had been granted by the Mexican nobility in that respectable assembly which was held in Mexico, in presence of Montezuma; that they should remember the homage which the Mexican lords then did to the great monarch of the East; that he wished to establish a peace, and to make a perpetual alliance with them, and was not disposed to war unless constrained to it by their hostilities; that it would grieve him to spill so much Mexican blood, and destroy such a large and beautiful city; that they themselves were witnesses of the bravery of the Spaniards, the superiority of their arms, the multitude of their allies, and the success of their enterprises; that they should finally reflect within themselves, and not oblige by their obstinacy a war to be continued to the utter ruin of the court and the empire.

    The fruit of this embassy was soon discovered in the lamentations of the Chalchese, who knowing of the great


     


    24                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    force which was levying against their state, came to implore the assistance of the Spaniards; shewing to Cortes, painted on a cloth, the cities which were arming against them by order of the king, and the routes which they were to take. While Cortes was preparing his troops for this expedition, messengers arrived at Tezcuco from Tuzapan, Mexicatlzinco, and Nauhtlan, cities situated on the coast of the Mexican gulf beyond the colony of Vera Cruz, to offer obedience in the name of their chiefs to the king of Spain.

    On the fifth of April Cortes set out from Tezcuco, with thirty horses, three hundred Spanish infantry, and twenty thousand allies, leaving the command of that place and the care of the brigantines to Sandoval. He went straight to Tlalmanalco, and from thence to Chimalhuacan, (g) where he increased his army with other twenty thousand men, and who, to revenge themselves on the Mexicans, or from the hopes of spoil, or from both motives, came from different places to serve in that war. directing his way according to the route marked in the Chalchese paintings, he travelled through the southern mountains towards Huaxtepec; he saw near to the road a steep mountain, the top of which was occupied by a vast number of women and children, and the sides by innumerable warriors, who, trusting to the natural strength of that place, made game of the Spaniards with howling and whistling. Cortes, unable to endure this mockery, attacked the mountain on three sides; but they were hardly begun to ascend with the greatest difficulty

    __________
    (g) There were, and still are, two places of this name; the one situated upon the border of the lake of Tezcuco, close to the peninsula of Iztapalapan, and called simply Chimalhuacan; the other, which is in the mountains to the southward of the vale of Mexico, is called Chimalhuacan Chalco; and it was to this last place that Cortes went.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      25


    through a shower of darts and stones, than he ordered a retreat; for, besides that he perceived the attempt to be rash and more dangerous than fruitful, an army of the enemy came in sight, marching towards the same place, with an intent to attack the Spaniards behind, when they were most engaged in the assault. Cortes immediately made against them, with his troops well formed. The battle lasted a short time, for the enemy soon finding their inferiority of strength, quickly abandoned the field. The Spaniards pursued them upwards of an hour and a half, until they were entirely routed. The loss of the Spaniards on this occasion was almost nothing, but in the assault of the mountain eight were killed and many of them wounded.

    The thirst which distressed the army, and the intimation which Cortes had of another mountain three miles off similarly occupied, forced him to march towards that part. He observed on one side of the mountain two lofty rocks, defended by many warriors; but they, thinking that the Spaniards would attempt the assault on the side opposite, abandoned the rocks, and repaired where they apprehended most danger. Cortes, who knew well how to profit by all conjunctures which either fortune, or the imprudence of his enemies presented, ordered one of his captains to endeavour to occupy one of the rocks with a competent number of men, while he employed the besieged on the opposite quarter. He began then to ascend, though not without the utmost difficulty; but when he had reached a post as high as that taken by the enemy, he saw the Spanish flag hoisted upon one of the rocks. The enemy finding themselves attacked on both sides, and having already begun to feel the loss which the fire-arms occasioned among them, surrendered. Cortes


     


    26                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    treated them with the utmost humanity; but demanded from them, as a condition necessary to obtain his pardon, that they should induce those also who occupied the first mountain to surrender also, which they accordingly did.

    Cortes, finding these obstacles removed, proceeded through Huaxtepec, Jauhtepec, and Xiuhtepec, to the large and pleasant city of Quauhnahuac, (h) the capital of the nation of the Tlahuicas, upwards of thirty miles distant from Mexico, towards the south. This city was very strong from its natural situation; being on one side surrounded by steep mountains, and on the other by a hollow about seven perches deep, through which ran a little river. The cavalry could not enter there except by two ways, which were unknown to the Spaniards, or by the bridges which had been raised as soon as they had appeared. While they were seeking a convenient place to begin the assault, the Quauhnahuachese shot an incredible number of arrows, darts, and stones at them. But a courageous Tlascalan having observed, that two great trees, which grew on the opposite sides of the hollow inclining towards each other, had crossed and mutually interwoven their branches, he made a bridge of them to pass to the other side; and his example was quickly followed, though with great difficulty and with great danger, by six Spanish soldiers, and afterwards by

    __________
    (h) The name Quauhnahuac has been strangely altered by the Spaniards: Cortes calls this city Coadnabaced, Bernal Diaz, Coadalbaca, Solis, Quatlabaca, &c. That of Cucinabaca prevailed afterwards, by which it is known among the Spaniards at present; but the Indians still retain the old name Quauhnahuac. It is one of the thirty places which Charles V gave to Cortes, and is at present part of the estates of the duke of Monteleon, as marquis of the valley of Oaxaca.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      27


    many Spaniards and Tlascalans. (i) This act of intrepidity so intimidated those who defended the assault in that quarter, that they immediately retreated, and went to join the other citizens, who, at another part of the city, were opposing the troops led by Cortes; but while most employed in the defence, they found themselves unexpectedly attacked by those troops, who, following that courageous Tlascalan, were now entered by the undefended part into the city. Terror made the citizens give up resistance, and put them to flight precipitately through the mountains; while the allies, without any opposition, burned a great part of the city. The lord of it, who had fled with the rest, fearing to be overtaken in the mountains by the Spaniards, took occasion to surrender himself, declaring that he had not done it before because he waited till the rage of the Spaniards should be exhausted on the city, and by being satisfied with other hostilities, might abstain from treating his person cruelly.

    After some repose the army left Quauhnahuac, loaded with spoils, directing their way towards the north, through a large wood of pines, where they endured a great thirst, and the day following found themselves near the city of Xochimilco. This beautiful city, the largest next to the three royal residences of all those in the Mexican vale, was founded upon the border of the lake of Chalco, a little more than twelve miles distant from

    __________
    (i) Solis, without making mention of that Tlascalan, attributes all the glory of that man to Bernal Diaz; in which particular he contradicts Cortes, and other historians. Bernal Diaz himself, who, in the relation of this event, does himself all the honour he can, boasts of having been one of those who did not regard the risk of their lives, and passed the depth on the branches of the trees; but by no means takes the honour to himself of having been the first who passed or suggested the attempt.


     


    28                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    the capital: its inhabitants were numerous, its temples many, its buildings magnificent, and its gardens floating on the lake singularly beautiful, from whence it took its name of Xochimilco: (k) it had, like the capital, many canals or ditches, and for fear of the Spaniards, they had now several entrenchments. As soon as they saw the enemy approach, they raised the bridges of the canals, to make the entry more difficult. The Spaniards divided their army into three squadrons, to attack the city by as many places, but every where they met with a stout resistance, and could not take the first ditch until after a terrible engagement of more than half an hour, in which two Spaniards were killed and many wounded; but having at last overcome those obstacles, they entered the city, pursuing the inhabitants, who persevered till night, sighting in the vessels in which they had made their retreat. They frequently heard voices among the combatants who demanded peace, but the Spaniards understanding that those cries were made with no other view than to gain time to place their families and goods in security, and to receive the succour which they expected from Mexico, pressed them still harder; until, finding all resistance dropt, they retired to repose and cure the wounded: but they had hardly begun to draw their breath a little, when they saw themselves attacked by a great number of enemies, who came formed in order of battle by the same road by which the Spaniards had entered. They were now reduced to great difficulties, and Cortes himself was in imminent danger of becoming a prisoner of the enemy; for his horse having fallen from fatigue, as he says, or being cut down by the

    __________
    (k) Xochimilco means gardens and fields of flowers.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      29


    blows from the Xochimilcas, as some historians report, he continued fighting on foot with his lance; but being overpowered by the enemy, he would not have been able to have saved himself from ruin, if a brave Tlascalan, (l) and after him two of his own servants, had not seasonably come to his relief.

    The Xochimilcas being at last defeated, the Spaniards had leisure to repose a little after the fatigues of the day, in which some of their soldiers had been killed, and almost all of them wounded, and the general himself and the principal officers Alvarado and Olid among the rest. Four Spaniards, made prisoners, were conducted to the capital, and sacrificed without delay, and their arms and legs sent to different places to encourage the subjects against the enemies of the state. It is beyond a doubt, that on this, as well as on other occasions, Cortes might easily have been put to death by the enemy, if they had not had so much anxiety to take him alive to sacrifice him to their gods.

    The news of the taking of Xochimilco threw the court of Mexico into great consternation. King Quauhtemotzin assembled some military chiefs, and represented to them the loss and danger occasioned to Mexico by the capture of so considerable a place, the service they would render their gods and the nation in retaking it, and the courage and strength which was necessary to overcome those daring and destructive strangers. They immediately gave orders, therefore, to raise an army of twelve thousand men, to be sent by land, and another

    __________
    (l) Herrera and Torquemada say, that the day after the great hazard Cortes had been in of being made prisoner, he fought for the Tlascalan who had rescued him, but could not find him either dead or alive; on which account, from the devotion which the general paid to St. Peter, he became persuaded that that apostle had been the person who saved him.


     


    30                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    to be sent by water; which were so speedily executed, that the Spaniards had hardly reposed after the fatigues of the preceding day, when Cortes was advised by his centinels of the march of the Mexicans towards that city. This general divided his army into three divisions, and gave his captains the necessary orders; he lest some troops to garrison the quarters, and commanded that twenty horse with five hundred Tlascalans should pass across the enemy's front, to occupy a neighbouring little mountain, and wait there his final orders for the attack. The Mexican commanders advanced full of pride, making great ostentation of some European swords which had been taken from the Spaniards on the night of the first of July. The battle was begun without the city, and when it appeared proper time, Cortes ordered the troops posted on the little mountain to attack the rear of the Mexicans. They finding themselves attacked on every side, went into disorder and fled, leaving five hundred dead on the field. The Spaniards, on their return to their quarters, found that the body of men lest there had been in great danger from the great number of Xochimilcas who had encountered them. Cortes, after having been for three days in Xochimilco in frequent skirmishes with the enemy, made the temples and houses be set on fire, and went to the market-place, which was without the city, to order his people for their march. The Xochimilcas being persuaded that his departure was the effect of fear, fell upon the rear-guard with great clamour; but they were soon so severely repulsed by the Spaniards, that they never dared again to attack them.

    Cortes advanced with his army as far as Cojohuacan, a large city situated upon the bank of the lake, fix miles


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      31


    distant from Mexico towards the south, with a view to observe all those posts, and make the fitter dispositions for the siege of the capital. He found the city evacuated, and the next day he set out from it, to examine the road which led from that city to the road of Iztapalapan. He found an entrenchment made there by the Mexicans, and ordered his infantry to attack it, who, in spite of the terrible resistance of the enemy who defended it, took it; ten Spaniards being wounded, and some Mexicans killed. Cortes having mounted the trench, saw the road of Iztapalapan darkened with an innumerable enemy, and the lake covered with some thousands of boats, and after having observed every thing necessary to his purpose, he returned to the city, whose houses and temples he caused to be set on fire.

    From Cojohuacan he marched the army to Tlacopan, though harassed on the way by some flying troops of the enemy, who attacked the baggage. In one of those scuffles, where Cortes was in great danger, they took two of his servants prisoners, who were conducted to Mexico and immediately sacrificed. Cortes arrived at Tlacopan in affliction at this misfortune, but his displeasure was greatly increased when he beheld from the upper area of the greater temple of that court, along with some other Spaniards, that fatal road wherein some months before he had lost so many of his friends and soldiers, and considered attentively the great difficulties which must be overcome before he could render himself master of the capital. Some of his officers suggested to him, to send his troops by that road to commit some hostilities on the Mexicans; but he did not choose to expose them to so great risk; and, without remaining longer in that city, he returned by Tenajoccan, Quauhtitlan,


     


    32                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    Citlaltepec, and Acolman, to Tezcuco, having made a circuit in this expedition round all the lakes of the Mexican vale, and observed what efforts and exertions were necessary to execute the great enterprise in his mind with success.

    In Tezcuco Cortes continued all the preparations for the siege. The brigantines were equipped, and a canal formed, a mile and a half long, sufficiently deep, and furnished on both sides with a fence, to receive the water of the lake into which the brigantines were to be launched, and a machine constructed to launch them. The troops which Cortes had under his command were almost without number, and likewise that of the Spaniards was considerably augmented by some who a few days before had arrived at the port of Vera Cruz, in a vessel from Spain loaded with horses, arms, and ammunition. Every thing appeared to promise a happy issue, at the moment the enterprise was in the greatest danger of being totally frustrated and ruined. Some Spanish soldiers, partisans of the governor of Cuba, incited either to hatred of Cortes, or envious of his glory, or, what seems still as probable, from fear of the dangers which threatened them in the siege of the capital, secretly agreed to take away his life, and those of his captains Alvarado, Sandoval, and Tapia, and all those who appeared to be most attached to the party of the general. The conspirators had not only determined the time and manner of securely executing the blow, but elected also those on whom the vacant posts of general, judge, and captains were to be conferred; when one of the accomplices, having repented of the deed, seasonably revealed the treason to Cortes. This general immediately made Antonio de Villafana, the chief of the conspirators, be seized, committed


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      33


    his examination to a judge, and he having freely confessed the crime, was according to justice hanged from a window of the quarters. With respect to his accomplices, Cortes prudently dissembled, affecting not to believe them culpable, and ascribing the infamy imputed to them by the confession, to be the malice of Villafana; but, in order that in future he might not be exposed to so much risk of his life, he formed a body-guard of several soldiers whose fidelity and courage he had tried, who attended him day and night, and watched continually over the safety of his person.

    Having thus crushed, by the punishment of the ringleader, that pernicious conspiracy, Cortes applied himself with the utmost activity to put the last hand to his great undertaking. On the twenty-eighth of April, after the celebration of the mass of the Holy Spirit, at which all the Spaniards communicated, and the brigantines were given benediction by a priest, they were launched into the water, immediately displayed their sails, and began to plough the lake under a discharge of the artillery and small arms, which was followed by the singing of Te Deum to the music of military instruments. All those demonstrations of satisfaction were in consequence of the great confidence Cortes had in the brigantines for the success of his enterprise, without which perhaps, he would never have been able to have conducted it to a happy end. He afterwards made a review of his army, and found it to consist of eighty-six horses, and more than eight hundred infantry, three large iron cannon, fifteen smaller of copper, a thousand Castilian pounds of gun-powder, and a large quantity of balls and arrows, the number and strength of his little army having been doubled by the supplies of that year from Spain and the


     


    34                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    Antilles. In order to encourage them, he made them an harangue similar to that which he had delivered to them when he left Tlascala. He sent messengers to this republic, to Cholula, Huexotzinco, and other cities, to let them know that the brigantines were now completed, and requesting them to send within ten days as many chosen troops as they could muster, for that now the time was come for giving siege to that proud city, which had for so many years oppressed their liberty. Five days before the feast of Pentecost, the army of Tlascala arrived at Tezcuco, confuting, according to what Cortes affirms, of more than fifty thousand men, under the command of several famous chiefs, among which came the young Xicotencatl and the brave Chichimecatl; who were met by Cortes and his people. The troops of Huexotzinco and Cholula passed thither through the mountains of Chalco, agreeably to the orders given them. In the two following days came other troops from Tlascala and other neighbouring places, which, together with those abovementioned, made more than two hundred thousand men, as is attested by their leader and conductor Alfonso d'Ojeda.

    On the Monday of Pentecost, twentieth of May, Cortes mustered his people in the greater market-place of Tezcuco, to make a division of his army, to appoint the commanders, to assign to each the station where they were to form their camp, and the troops which were to be immediately under them, and to publish afresh the military proclamation formerly published in Tlascala. He ordered Pedro de Alvarado to remain in camp in the city of Tlacopan, to prevent any assistance coming through that quarter to the Mexicans, and assigned him thirty horses and one hundred and sixty-eight foot soldiers,


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      35


    distributed into three companies under as many captains with twenty thousand Tlascalans and two pieces of artillery. Christopher Olid was created camp-master, and chief of the division destined for the city of Cojohuacan, and assigned thirty-three horses, one hundred and sixty-eight foot soldiers, under three other captains, with two pieces of artillery, and more than twenty-five thousand allies. To Gonzales de Sandoval he gave twenty-four horses, one hundred and sixty-three Spanish infantry, under two captains with two cannons, and the allies of Chalco, Huexotzinco, and Cholula, who were more than thirty thousand in number, and ordered him first to go and destroy the city of Iztapalapan, and theo to encamp himself wherever he thought he could most effectually hem in the Mexicans. Cortes in spite of the remonstrances made him by his captains and soldiers, took the command of the brigantines, where he thought his assistance would be most necessary. He distributed among the thirteen brigantines three hundred and twenty-five Spaniards and thirteen falconets, assigning to each brigantine a captain, twelve soldiers, and as many rowers; so that the whole army destined to begin the siege of the capital, consisted of nine hundred and seventeen Spaniards, and more than seventy-five thousand auxiliary troops; (m) which number was soon after increased, as we shall find, to two hundred thousand and more. All the other troops which had repaired to Tezcuco, either remained there to be employed when it was necessary, or returned to their own places of abode, as

    __________
    (m) Solis says, that Bernal Diaz complains often that the allies gsve them mere hindrance than assistance; but this it totally false, for Bernal Diaz on the contrary, frequently says, that the allies were of great assistance, and fought courageously against the Mexicans. "The Tlascalans our friends," he says, in chap. iii, "assisted us greatly during the whole war, like brave people."


     


    36                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    they were not too distant from the capital to be speedily summoned whenever it was requisite.

    Olid and Alvarado departed together with their troops from Tezcuco, to go to their respective posts assigned them by the general. Among the higher ranks of Tlascalans who accompanied Alvarado, were the young Xicotencatl, and his cousin Pilteuctli. In a quarrel which happened, the latter was wounded by a Spaniard, who, regardless of the orders published by the general, or the respect due to that person, was near occasioning the desertion of the Tlascalans. This outrage disgusted them extremely, and made them express their dissatisfaction in an open manner. Ojeda, their leader, endeavoured to pacify them, and gave permission to Pilteuctli to return to be cured in his native country. Xicotencatl, who, on account of his rank as well as his relation to Pilteuctli, was most sensible of the insult, finding no other way to be revenged, secretly abandoned the army, and, with some other Tlascalans, took the road to Tlascala. Alvarado gave immediate advice of this to Cortes, who ordered Ojeda to overtake and seize him; and after being taken made him be publicly hanged in the city of Tezcuco, (n) as Herrera and Torquemada say, or in a place near to it as Bernal Diaz affirms; it having been first published by a herald, that the cause of his condemnation was his having deserted, and excited the

    __________
    (n) Cortes does not make mention of this event: it is probable he had particular motives for concealing it. Solis thinks it impossible that Xicotencatl was punished in Tezcuco; "Because Cortes would have risked too much by the execution of so violent a sentence under the eyes of so many Tlascalans, who would naturally have been shocked and disgusted at so ignominious a punishment being inflicted on one of the first men of their nation." But Cortes risked a great deal more, when he imprisoned Montezuma in his own court, and under the eyes of a much superior number of Mexicans, who must have been equally sensible of the outrage done to the first man of their nation.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      37


    Tlascalans against the Spaniards. It is probable that Cortes would not have risked the execution of such a sentence, if he had not first obtained, as Herrera expressly affirms, the consent of the senate of Tlascala; which was not difficult, considering their severity in punishing crimes even when committed by the most eminent persons, and the particular hatred also which they bore to that prince, whose pride and arrogance of character they could not endure. So alarming a punishment, which ought naturally to have inflamed the minds of the Tlascalans against the Spaniards, intimidated them to such a degree, as well as the other allies, that from that time forward they observed more punctually the articles of war, and kept under more subordination to those strangers who were their leaders; the Spaniards profiting even from their faults and misconduct; but the Tlascalans were not afraid to make many demonstrations of their esteem and veneration for that prince, bewailing his death and distributing his clothes as precious relics among themselves, and celebrating, as is probable, his funeral with usual honours. The family and property of Xicotencatl were adjudged to the king of Spain, and brought to Tezcuco. In his family were thirty wives, and amongst his property a large quantity of gold.

    Alvarado and Olid continued their march towards Tlacopan, where their object was to break the aqueduct of Chapoltepec, to cut off the water from the Mexicans; but they were unable to execute this measure without surmounting a powerful resistance from the enemy, who, having foreseen the blow, had made preparations both by land and water for their defence. They were soon defeated, and the Tlascalans in pursuing them killed twenty, and made seven or eight prisoners. Having


     


    38                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    so successfully accomplished this step, those two commanders resolved to go by the way of Tlacopan, to take some ditch by assault; but so great was the multitude of Mexicans who came against them, and so thick the shower of arrows, darts, and stones, which were shot at them, that eight Spaniards were killed and more than fifty wounded, and they with difficulty were able to retreat in shame to Tlacopan, where Alvarado encamped, according to the order of the general, and Olid marched to Cojohuacan on the thirtieth day of May, consecrated that year to the solemnity of Corpus Domini, on which day began, according to the computation made by Cortes, the siege of Mexico.

    While Alvarado and Olid were employed in filling up some ditches which were made upon the border of the lake, and were repairing some passages for the convenience of the cavalry, the commander Sandoval, with the number of Spaniards above mentioned, and with more than thirty-five thousand allies, marched from Tezcuco on the thirty-first of May with an intent to take the city of Iztapalapan by assault, against which Cortes was particularly bent. Sandoval made his entry there, committing terrible devastation and havoc by fire upon the houses and by his arms upon the inhabitants, who in terror attempted to save their lives by water. Cortes, in order to attack at the same time that part of the city which was contiguous to the water, after having made the whole lake be sounded, embarked with his people in his brigantines, and proceeded by means of fails and oars towards Iztapalapan. He struck ground near to an insulated little mountain, at a small distance from that city, the top of which was occupied by a numerous enemy, resolved to defend themselves and annoy the Spaniards


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      39


    as much as possible. Cortes disembarked there, and, with one hundred and fifty men, surmounting the steepness and difficulty of the ascent and the resistance of the enemy, took the mount and killed all the Mexicans who defended it. But they had hardly taken possession of it, when they perceived a fleet of boats coming against them, which had been summoned there by a signal of smoke, that on the first appearance of the brigantines, was made from that little mountain and from tome temples in that neighbourhood. The Spaniards immediately re-embarked and stood without moving upon their defence, until at length being favoured with a fresh breeze which sprung up suddenly, and increasing the velocity of the brigantines, with the impulse of the oars, they rushed violently upon the boats, breaking some of them to pieces and oversetting others. Some of the enemy were killed by balls, and many were drowned; all the others fled, and were pursued for eight miles by the brigantines, as far as the capital.

    The commander Olid, as soon as he discovered from a temple of Cojohuacan the engagement of the brigantines, marched with his troops in order of battle along the road which led to Mexico, took some ditches and trenches, and killed a number of the enemy. Cortes, on his part, collected that night all his brigantines, and went with them to attack the bastion, which, as we have already mentioned, was erected in that angle which was formed by the junction of the road of Cojohuacan with the road of Iztapalapan. He made the attack by land as well as water, and in spite of the bravery with which it was defended by the Mexican garrison posted there, he took it, and made a horrid slaughter, with two large pieces of cannon, of the multitude which covered the


     


    40                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    lake as well as the road. That place, called by the Mexicans Xoloc, appeared extremely advantageous to Cortes for the establishment of his camp, and it certainly would not have been easy to have found another more suitable to his designs; for, by means of it he became master of the principal road and that part of the lake where the greatest succours could enter to the city, and besides that of the road of Cojohuacan which formed a communication with the camp of Olid. The small distance of that place from the camps of Cojohuacan and Tlacopan was of great importance to Cortes, in giving his orders with expedition, and to render assistance when it proved necessary. In short, its vicinity to Mexico contributed to make every attack more easy.

    There he assembled his brigantines, and abandoning the expedition against Iztapalapan, formed a resolution to give very soon a commencement to his operations. He ordered to his camp one half of the troops of Cojohuacan, and fifty chosen soldiers from the troops under Sandoval. That night he heard a great body of enemies coming towards his camp. The Spaniards, knowing that the Mexicans were not used to combat by night unless when they were secure of victory, were at first apprehensive; but, although they received some hurt from the enemy, they obliged them by the fire of their artillery and muskets to retire to the city. The next day they found themselves attacked by a prodigious multitude of warriors, who enlarged their number in the imagination of the Spaniards with dreadful howls. The supply expected from Cojohuacan being arrived, Cortes made a sally with his people in order of battle. They fought with great courage and obstinacy on both sides, but the Spaniards and their allies took one ditch and an intrenchment,


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      41


    and did so much damage to the Mexicans with their artillery and horses, that they were compelled to retreat to their city; and because, by that part of the lake which was to the west of the road, they were much annoyed by the vessels of the Mexicans, Cortes made one of the ditches be enlarged, that the brigantines might pass there, which immediately charged impetuously upon them, pursued them as far as the capital, and set fire to some houses of the suburbs.

    In the meanwhile, Sandoval having successfully terminated, though not without infinite peril, the expedition of Iztapalapan, marched with his troops towards Cojohuacan. On his way thither, he was attacked by the troops of Mexicaltzinco, but he defeated them, and set fire to the city. Cortes, apprised of his march, and also of a great ditch which had been recently made in that road, sent two brigantines to facilitate the passage to the army. It marched towards Cojohuacan, and Sandoval came with ten cavalry to the camp of Cortes. When he arrived there he found the Spaniards in combat with the Mexicans: the fatigue of the journey and the battle of Mexicaltzinco was not sufficient to restrain him from engaging: he joined battle with his usual courage, but while sighting he was pierced in the leg by a dart, and many other Spaniards were wounded with him. Those advantages, if we may call them so, are little in comparison with the loss which the Mexicans sustained that day, or the dread which the fire of the artillery excited in them; which was so great, that for some days they durst not come near the Spanish camp. The Spaniards continued for six days in continual skirmishes; the brigantines sailing round the capital, set fire to many houses of the suburbs, and in their expeditions discovered a


     


    42                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    large and deep canal, by which they could easily enter the city. This was in future a circumstance of great advantage to the Spaniards.

    Alvarado, on his part, hemmed in the Mexicans as much as possible, by taking at different encounters some ditches and intrenchments on the road of Tlacopan; but some of his men were killed, and many wounded. He observed, that by the road of Tepejacac, situated towards the north, provisions were continually introduced to the city, and perceived also, that by that road the besieged could easily escape, when they found they could no longer refill the besiegers. He communicated this observation to Cortes, who commanded Sandoval to go with one hundred and eighteen Spaniards and a very strong army of allies to occupy that place, and intercept the supplies which should come that way to the enemy. Sandoval obeyed, though still unrecovered of the wound in his leg, and took possession without opposition of that station, by which means every communication of the Mexicans with other cities by land was cut off. (o)

    This being done, Cortes determined to make an entry the next day into the city, with more than five hundred Spaniards and more than eighty thousand allies from Tezcuco, Tlascala, Chalco, and Huexotzinco, leaving some cavalry with ten thousand allies to guard the camp; ordering Sandoval and Alvarado to enter there at the

    __________
    (o) Doctor Robertson says, that Cortes designed to attack the city at three different places; from Tezcuco, on the east side of the lake; from Tacuba, on the well; and from Cuzocan that is, Cojohuacan), in the south; those cities, he adds, commanded the principal causeways which led to the capital, and were built for its defence: but this is an error; because to the eastward there was not, nor could he, any road which led to the capital, on account of the depth of the lake. Sandoval did not encamp in Tezcuco, from whence it was impossible to attack Mexico, but in Tepejacac, towards the north.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      43


    same time, each by his different road, with their troops, which were not less than eighty thousand in number. Cortes marched along his road, with his numerous army well marshalled and flanked by the brigantines; but had advanced only a short way when they met with a broad deep ditch and intrenchment more than ten feet high. The Mexicans courageously opposed their passage, but being beat back by the artillery from the brigantines, the Spaniards passed, pursuing the enemy as far as the city, where they found another great ditch and a strong and high intrenchment. The force of the water in this ditch, the monstrous swarms of the enemy who assembled to defend it, their dreadful and menacing airs and the unceasing shower of arrows, darts, and stones, which they discharged, staggered for some time the resolution of the Spaniards; but having at length, with the fire of all the artillery and other arms, driven those from the intrenchments who defended them, the army passed and advanced, taking other ditches and intrenchments, unto the principal square of the city, which was full of people. In spite of the havoc they saw made on the multitude by a large cannon planted in the entrance of the square, the Spaniards dared not to enter there, until the general himself, reproaching them for their ignominious fear and charging intrepidly upon the enemy, infused new courage into his soldiers. The Mexicans, intimidated by such great intrepidity, fled for shelter within the inclosure of the greater temple, and finding themselves attacked there also, they took refuge in the upper area of the temple, whither they were Hill pursued; but all on a sudden the Spaniards found themselves attacked behind by other Mexican troops, and reduced to such difficulty, that not being able to withstand the fury of the enemy


     


    44                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    neither within the inclosure nor without in the square, they were obliged to retire to the road by which they had entered the city, leaving the piece of artillery in possession of the enemy. A little time after, three or four horses came seasonably into the square, and the enemy being persuaded that the whole cavalry was coming against them, went into confusion from the sear they had of those large and fiery animals, and ignominiously abandoned the temple and the square, which were immediately occupied by the Spaniards. Ten or twelve Mexican nobles were fortified in the upper area of the great temple; but, in spite of their obstinate resistance, they were vanquished and killed by those who attacked them. The Spanish army in its retreat set fire to the largest and most beautiful houses on the road of Iztapalapan, though not without the utmost danger, on account of the impetuosity with which the Mexicans attacked the rear, and the annoyance they suffered from the terraces. Alvarado and Sandoval made great havoc of the Mexicans with their troops, and the allies received on this day great encomiums from the Spanish general.

    The forces of the Spaniards were daily so much increased with fresh supplies, and with the alliance of new cities and whole provinces, that although there were not in their three camps at first more than ninety thousand men, in the space of a few days they amounted to two hundred and forty thousand. The new king of Tezcuco, in order to manifest his gratitude to Cortes, endeavoured to gain the whole nobility of his kingdom to his party, and equipped an army of fifty thousand men, which he sent to the assistance of the Spaniards, under the command of a prince, his brother, a youth, of whose bravery all ancient historians give testimony,


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      45


    and, amongst others, Cortes himself, who boasts of the seasonableness and importance of his aid. That prince remained with thirty thousand men in the camp of Cortes, and the other twenty thousand were distributed in the camps of Sandoval and Alvarado. This supply of the king of Tezcuco was quickly followed by the confederacy of the Xochimilcas and the Otomies, the mountaineers, with the Spaniards, which new troops added twenty thousand men to the army of Cortes.

    There was nothing wanting to this general for the completion of the siege, but the prevention of the supplies which were introduced by water into the city. Retaining seven of the brigantines, he therefore sent the other six towards that part of the lake which was between Tlacopan and Tepejacac, that there they might be ready to assist the camps of Sandoval and Alvarado, when those commanders should require it; but while not employed by them, they were to cruize two by two, and endeavour to intercept all the vessels which were transporting either men or provisions to the city,

    Cortes, finding he had now a sufficient number of allied troops, determined, in the course of three days, to make an entry into the city. He gave the necessary orders for this purpose, and on the day appointed he marched with the greater part of his cavalry, with three hundred infantry, seven brigantines, and innumerable multitudes of allies. They found the ditches open, the intrenchments thrown up, and the enemy well prepared to resist them; but notwithstanding this, they took all the ditches and entrenchments, which were formed between them and the principal square of Tenochtitlan. Here the army made a halt, Cortes not permitting them to proceed forward, without leaving all the difficult passes


     


    46                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    which they had taken levelled; but while ten thousand of the allies were busied in filling up the ditches, others set fire to and demolished some of the temples, houses, and palaces, and, amongst others, that of king Axajacatl, where the Spaniards were formerly quartered, and the celebrated palace of birds of Montezuma. After having committed those hostilities with great difficulty and danger, on account of the efforts which the Mexicans made to hinder them, Cortes founded a retreat, which was happily effected, although the rear-guard was incessantly harassed by the troops of the enemy. The same thing was performed by Sandoval and Alvarado in their quarter. This was indeed a day of great fatigue to the Spaniards and their allies, but likewise of unspeakable affliction to the Mexicans, as much on account of so many beautiful edifices which were destroyed, as the scorn and mockery they suffered from their own vassals who were leagued with the Spaniards, and from their mortal enemies the Tlascalans, who, while they combated, shewed the arms and legs of the Mexicans whom they had slain, and threatened to eat them that night to their supper, as in fact they did.

    The next day, in order to give no time to the Mexicans to dig the ditches which had been filled up, or repair the intrenchments which had been beat down, Cortes set out early from his camp, in the same manner as the preceding day; but, in spite of his diligence, the Mexicans had already renewed the greater part of the fortifications, and defended them so obstinately, that the army of the besiegers could not take them till after a most furious engagement of five hours. The army pushed forward, and took two ditches on the road of Tlacopan; but the day being now near finished, they retired


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      47


    to their camp, sighting all the way with the troops of the enemy, who fell upon the rear-guard. The armies of Sandoval and Alvarado had similar contests, the besieged being obliged to oppose, at the same time, three most numerous armies, superior to them in arms, in horses, in the brigantines, and in military discipline. Alvarado, on his side, had now demolished all the houses, from one end to the other, on both sides of the road of Tlacopan, (e) for the habitations of the capital were continued on that road unto the continent or main land, according to the accounts both of Cortes and Bernal Diaz.

    Cortes would willingly have saved his troops the trouble and fatigue of daily repeating their engagements to take the same ditches and intrenchments, but he could not leave a garrison to preserve those acquisitions, without sacrificing it to the fury of the enemy, nor was he willing to encamp within the city, as some of his captains advised him; for, besides the incessant assault which they must have endured from the enemy, they could not from thence so easily as from the post of Xoloc prevent supplies from coming into the city.

    While succours were daily diminishing to the besieged, those of the besiegers were gradually increasing; and at this very juncture they received one which was as advantageous for them as it was hurtful to the enemy. The inhabitants of the cities situate upon the border and little islands of the lake of Chalco, had been hitherto the enemies of the Spaniards, and could have done

    __________
    (e) these houses were not built on the road itself, but upon little islands near to it, on both sides. We do not find that there was any other building upon the road but a temple, situated on that part where the road broadened out, and formed a little square. This temple was taken by Alvarado, who kept a garrison there almost the whole time of the siege.


     


    48                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    much damage to the camp of Cortes, if their troops had attacked it from one part of the road, while at the same time the Mexicans had attacked it from another; but they had not attempted any hostilities against the Spaniards, perhaps because they reserved themselves for some very favouring occasion. The Chalchese, and other allies, who did not like the neighbourhood of so many enemies, endeavoured to draw them over to their party, sometimes by promises, sometimes by threats and vexations; and their importunity, and perhaps also the fear of revenge from the Spaniards, had so much influence, that the nobles of Iztapalan, Mexicaltzinco, Colhuacan, Huitzilopochco, Mizquiz, and Cuitlahuac, which cities formed a considerable part of the Mexican vale, came to the camp to make a confederacy with the Spaniards. Cortes was extremely glad of their alliance, and requested of them that they would not only assist him with their troops and vessels, but likewise transport materials for the erection of huts along that road; for it being now the season of rain, his people suffered much from the want of habitations.

    His demand was so readily complied with, that they sent immediately a large body of troops, the number of which is not known, to be under the command of Cortes, and three thousand vessels to assist the brigantines in their operations. In these they transported the materials, with which they built such a number of barracks, that all the Spaniards, and two thousand Indians employed in their service, were conveniently accommodated; for the majority of the allied troops were encamped in Cojohuacan, four miles distant from Xoloc; and, not content with giving this assistance, they brought many



     

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    provisions to the camp, particularly fish and cherries in great quantities.

    Cortes, finding himself so well reinforced with troops, entered two or three days successively into the city, making dreadful slaughter of the citizens. He was inclined to imagine that the besieged would necessarily surrender, seeing such an excessive number of troops armed against them, and having experienced the ruinous effects of their obstinacy: but in this he was mistaken, for the Mexicans were determined to lose their lives sooner than their liberty. He resolved therefore to make continued entries into the city, in order to compel them by hostilities to ask for that peace which they had refused. He formed two armaments of his vessels, each consisting of three brigantines and fifteen hundred small boats, ordering them to proceed towards the city, to set fire to its houses, and do the Mexicans all the mischief in their power. He gave orders to Sandoval and Alvarado to do the same on their fide, while he with all his Spaniards, and eighty thousand allies, by what appears, marched as usual by the road of Iztapalapan towards the city, but without being able to gain, either in this or other entries which he made in those particular days, any other advantage than that of gradually reducing the number of the enemy, demolishing some of their buildings, and advancing daily some little way farther for the purpose of opening a communication with the camp of Alvarado, although then it was not in his power to effect it.

    Alvarado and all his troops, seconded by the brigantines, had already taken possession of a temple, which stood in a little square in the road of Tlacopan, in which he maintained from that time a garrison, in spite of the violent assaults of the Mexicans. He had also taken


     


    50                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    some ditches and intrenchments, and knowing that the greatest force of the enemy was in Tlatelolco, where the king Quauhtemotzin resided, and numbers of the inhabitants of Tenochtitlan had resorted, he directed his operations towards that quarter; but although he fought frequently with all his force both by land and water, he could not advance where he wished, from the gallant opposition of the besieged. In those engagements many perished on both sides. In one of the first contests a strong and courageous warrior of Tlatelolco, disguised like one of the Otomies, with an Ichcahuepilli, or breast-plate of cotton, and with no other arms than a shield and three stones, made his appearance, and running most swiftly towards the besiegers, he threw his three stones successively with such dexterity and with such force, that with each he knocked down a Spaniard, exciting no less indignation among them than fear and wonder in the allies. They endeavoured, by every means, to get him into their hands, but could never take him, for in every engagement he appeared differently dressed, and in each occasioned much loss to the besiegers, having as much swiftness in his feet to make his escape as force in his arms to strike his blows. The name of this celebrated hero of Tlatelolco was Tzilacatzin.

    Alvarado, elated with some advantages obtained over the Mexicans, strove one day to push forward as far as the market-place: he had already taken several ditches and intrenchments, and among others, one which was fifty feet broad, and more than seven feet deep; but forgetting, through his success, to make it be filled up, as his general had enjoined, he advanced with forty or fifty Spaniards, and some allies. The Mexicans having observed this neglect, soon poured in numbers upon


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      51


    them, and defeated and put them to flight, and in repassing the ditch, killed some of the allies and made four Spaniards prisoners, who were instantly sacrificed in sight of Alvarado and his people, in the greater temple of Tlatelolco. Cortes was extremely troubled at this disaster, as it must have increased the courage and pride of the enemy, and went immediately to Tlacopan, to give a severe reprimand to Alvarado for his disobedience and rashness; but when he was informed how courageously he had conducted himself that day, and taken possession of the most difficult posts, he gave him only a kind admonition, and inculcated his former orders respecting the manner of making his entry.

    The troops of Xochimilco, Cuitlahuac, and other cities on the lake, which were in the camp of Cortes, willing to profit by the opportunity which presented itself in the entries which the Spaniards made, to plunder the houses of the capital, availed themselves of a most abominable piece of treachery. They sent a secret embassy to king Quauhtemotzin, declaring their inviolable fidelity to the crown, and complaining of the Spaniards, because they had forced them to take arms against their natural lord; and adding, that they designed on their next entry to unite with the Mexicans against those enemies of their country, to kill them all, and thus put an end to his calamities. The king praised their resolution, appointed them the posts which they were to occupy, and also returned them gifts in reward of their pretended fidelity. Those traitors entered the city as usual, and feigning at first to turn their arms against the Spaniards, began afterwards to plunder the houses of the Mexicans, killing those who opposed them, and imprisoning the women and children: but the Mexicans soon detesting their perfidy,


     


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    fell upon them with such merciless fury, that almost every one of them atoned for his treachery with his life. A great many of them were killed in the contest, and the others, who were made prisoners, were immediately sacrificed by order of the king. This treason appears to have been both designed and executed by the very lowest of the populace of those cities, who are always guilty of such meannesses.

    Twenty days were now past in which the Spaniards had made continual entries into the city. Some captains and soldiers weary of so many repeated engagements, the fruits of which appeared still very distant to them, complained to the general, and earnestly conjured him, to exert all the forces he had in one decisive blow, which would end all his dangers and fatigues. The design formed by them was to advance as far as the centre of Tlatelolco, where the Mexicans had assembled all their forces, and attempt to ruin them in one night, or at lead bring them to a surrender. Cortes, who well knew the imminent danger of this enterprise, strove to divert them from it with all his arguments; but those being of no avail, nor being able to reject a measure which had been almost generally adopted, yielded at last to their importunities. He ordered Sandoval to join Alvarado with one hundred and fifteen Spaniards and ten horses, to put the cavalry in ambuscade, and carry off the baggage under pretence of making a departure, and abandoning the siege of the city, in order that the Mexicans, by being induced to pursue them, might be attacked by the cavalry in their rear; to aim at gaining possession, by the assistance of six brigantines, of that great ditch where Alvarado was defeated, making it be filled up and levelled; to advance not a step without leaving the road


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      53


    well accommodated for a retreat, and then to enter in a body into the square of the market.

    On the day fixed for the general assault, Cortes marched with twenty-five horses, with all his infantry, and more than an hundred thousand allies. His brigantines, with more than three thousand canoes, formed the two wings of his army on both sides of the road. He entered the city without opposition, and quickly divided his army into three parts, that they might each, by three different roads, arrive at the same time in the square of the market. The command of the first division was given to Julian Alderete, treasurer to the king, who was the person that had most earnestly pressed Cortes to undertake this expedition; and he was ordered to proceed through the principal and largest road with seventy Spaniards, seven horses, and twenty thousand allies. Of the other two roads, which led from the great road of Tlacopan to the square of the market, the least confined was assigned to the captains Andrea de Tapia, and George Alvarado, brother of P. de Alvarado, with eighty Spaniards, and upwards of ten thousand allies; and the narrowest and most difficult, the general charged himself with, having one hundred soldiers, and the body of the auxiliary troops, leaving the cavalry and artillery in the entry to each road. The parties entered all at one time, and engaged courageously. In the beginning the Mexicans made some resistance, but afterwards feigning cowardice, they retreated, abandoning the ditches to the Spaniards, in order that, allured by the hopes of victory, they might run themselves into greater dangers. Some Spaniards pushed forward to the streets near to the square of the market, unwarily leaving behind them a broad ditch badly filled up, and when they were most ardently advancing,


     


    54                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    and striving who should first enter into that square, they heard the formidable sound of the horn of the god Painalton, which was blown by the priests in cases of public and pressing necessity, to excite the people to arms. Immediately such a multitude of Mexicans assembled, and poured with such fury upon the Spaniards and allies, that they threw them into confusion, and compelled them to return precipitately back towards the ditch, which was apparently filled up with faggots, and other light materials; but when they attempted to pass, it sunk with the weight and violence of the multitude. Here the sharpest conflict and greatest peril of the fugitives happened; for being unable at the same time to defend themselves and pass by swimming, they were wounded and taken by the Mexicans. Cortes, who with the usual diligence of a good general, had advanced to the ditch when his defeated troops arrived there, endeavoured to stop their flight by his cries, that their disorder and confusion might not increase the slaughter made of them by the enemy; but words are not capable of retraining the flight of a disordered multitude to whom fear adds wings. Pierced with vexation at the disasters of his people, and regardless of his own personal danger, he approached to the ditch to save all those he could. Some were got out disarmed, some wounded, and some almost drowned. He at last put them into some order to proceed towards the camp, he himself remaining behind with from twelve to twenty men to guard their rear; but they had hardly begun to march, when he found himself in a narrow pass surrounded by the enemy. That day would certainly have been his last, in spite of the extraordinary bravery with which he defended himself, and with his life all hopes would have fled of the


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      55


    conquest of Mexico, if the Mexicans, instead of wishing to kill him, which was frequently in their power, had not eagerly strove to take him alive, to honour their gods with the sacrifice of so illustrious a victim. They had already seized him, and were leading him off for this purpose, when his people, apprised of his being a prisoner, came speedily to relieve him. Cortes owed his life and his liberty to a soldier of his guard, called Christoval de Olea, a man of infinite courage and great dexterity in arms; who, upon another occasion, had rescued him from similar danger, and upon this saved him at the risk of his own life, by cutting off with one stroke of his sword, the arm of that Mexican who had taken him. Cortes was indebted in like manner for his liberty to the Prince D. C. Ixtlilxochitl, and to a brave Tlascalan, named Temacatzin.

    The Spaniards at last, though not without the greatest difficulty, and a number of wounds, got upon the great road of Tlacopan, when Cortes was able to rally them, and took himself the rear-guard with the cavalry; but the boldness and fury with which the Mexicans pursued them were such, that it appeared impossible for them to escape with their lives. The divisions which had entered by the other two roads, had also had terrible encounters; but, because they had been more careful in filling up the ditches, their retreat was less difficult when Cortes ordered them to march to the greater square of Tenochtitlan, where they all collected. From thence they discovered, with the utmost mortification, the smoke of copal arising from the stoves of the greater Temple, which the Mexicans were burning as a thanksgiving for the victory they had obtained; but the vexation was still stronger when they saw the heads of some Spaniards


     


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    thrown towards them by the Mexicans, to dispirit them, and when they heard a report that the commanders Alvarado and Sandoval were slain. From the square they proceeded by the road of Iztapalapan, to their camp, still pursued by a multitude of the enemy.

    Alvarado and Sandoval had made an effort to enter into the square of the market by a road, which led from that of Tlacopan to Tlatelolco, and had advanced their operations so far as to a post at a little distance from that square, but upon seeing the sacrifices of the Spaniards, and having heard the Mexicans say, that Cortes and his captains were killed, they retired, though with the greatest difficulty; for the enemy, with whom they had been engaged, were joined by those who had defeated the troops of Cortes.

    The loss sustained by the besiegers on that day was seven horses, a number of arms and boats, and a piece of artillery, upwards of one thousand allies, and more than sixty Spaniards, part killed in battle, part made prisoners, and immediately sacrificed in the greater Temple of Tlatelolco, in sight of the troops of Alvarado. Cortes received a wound in his leg, and hardly one of the besiegers came off without being either wounded or otherwise discomfited.

    The Mexicans celebrated the victory for eight successive days with illuminations and music in their temples; they spread the same of it through all the kingdom, and sent the heads of the Spaniards through all the provinces of the empire who had rebelled against the crown, to recall them to obedience, to which many were induced. They dug the ditches again, repaired the intrenchments, and put the city, excepting the temples and houses ruined by


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      57


    the enemy, into the state it was in before the siege commenced.

    In the mean while the Spaniards kept themselves upon the defence in their camps, curing their wounded, and recruiting themselves for future combats; but in order also that the Mexicans might not avail themselves of their idleness, Cortes ordered the brigantines to go two by two to cruize upon the lake. The Mexicans, sensible of the superiority of the Spanish vessels and arms, and though not able to equal the last, they endeavoured1 in some measure to match the brigantines. They had for this purpose constructed thirty large vessels, called by the Spaniards periaguas, well finished, and covered with thick planks, to enable them to combat in them without so much danger of being damaged. They determined to lay an ambuscade for the brigantines in one of the small woods, or thickets of reeds, formed by the floating fields of the lake, and fixed in several places large stakes under water that the brigantines might strike upon them and founder, or at least be made less capable of defence. Having prepared their ambuscade, they sent out two or three little ordinary vessels from among the reedy places of the lake, that they might, by attracting the notice of the brigantines, lead them in their flight towards the place of the ambuscade. The Spaniards, as soon as they saw them, gave them chafe, but while they were in the heat of the pursuit, the brigantines struck upon the stakes, and at the same time, the thirty large vessels came out, and attacked them on every quarter. The Spaniards were in great danger of losing not only their vessels, but their lives; but while the small guns kept the enemy in play, some expert swimmers had time to clear the flakes, upon which being freed from this hindrance,


     


    58                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    they were able to make use of their artillery to drive off the enemy. The brigantines were a good deal damaged, the Spaniards wounded, and of the two captains who commanded them, one was killed in the sight, and the other died in three days of his wounds. The Mexicans refitted their vessels to repeat the stratagem, but Cortes being secretly informed of the place where they lay, disposed himself a counter-ambuscade of six brigantines, and profiting by the example of the enemy, he ordered one brigantine to cruize near the place where the Mexican vessels were in ambush. Every thing succeeded as he had planned, for the Mexicans, upon seeing the brigantine, pushed out immediately from their ambuscade, and when they imagined themselves most certain of their prey, the other five brigantines came out impetuously against them, and began to play off their artillery, with the first fire of which they overset some of the enemy's vessels and routed the rest. The greater part of the Mexicans perished in the attack, some were made prisoners, and among them some nobles, whom Cortes thought immediately of employing to solicit some accommodation with the court of Mexico.

    those noble prisoners were accordingly sent to tell king Quauhtemotzin that he should reflect how much the forces of Mexico were daily diminishing, while, at the same time, those of the Spaniards were augmenting: that at the last they would be obliged to yield to superior strength; that although the Spaniards did not enter the capital to commit hostilities, in order to reduce them, it would be sufficient alone to hinder them from receiving any supplies; that they might still shun the disasters which awaited them; that if they would accede to propositions of peace, he would immediately cease all hostilities;


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      59


    the king should remain in quiet possession of his crown, with all his grandeur, power, and authority, which he had hitherto enjoyed; that his subjects should remain free, and matters of all their property, without any thing being demanded from his majesty or his subjects, but the homage due to the king of Spain, as the supreme lord of all that empire, whose right had been already acknowledged by the Mexicans themselves, as founded on the ancient tradition of their ancestors; that if on the contrary he persisted in war, he would be deprived of his crown, the greater part of his vassals would lose their lives, and their large and beautiful city totally destroyed. The king consulted with his counsellors, with the generals of the army, and the heads of their religion; he explained to them the subject of the embassy, the state of the capital, the scarcity of provisions, the afflictions of his people, and the still greater evils which threatened them, and commanded them to speak their opinions freely. Some of them foreseeing the issue of the war, were inclined to peace; others, instigated by hatred to the Spaniards, or the sentiments of honour, advised war. The priests, whose authority in this, as well as in other matters, was highly respected, declared strongly against peace; alleging several pretended oracles of their gods, whose indignation ought to be dreaded if they yielded to the claims of those cruel enemies of their worship, and whose protection ought to be implored with prayers and sacrifices. This opinion at last prevailed, from the superstitious fear which had seized their minds; and, accordingly, they answered the Spanish general, that they would continue the war, for they were determined to defend themselves to the last breath. If they had not been moved to this resolution by superstition, but by a


     


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    sense of honour, from the love of their country and native liberty, they would not have been so blameable; for, although they saw their ruin inevitable in continuing the war, they had not much hope of bettering their fortune by means of peace. The experience of past events did not permit them to confide in the promises which were made them; on which account they must have represented to themselves, that it was more consistent with ideas of honour to die with their arms in their hands in defence of their native country and liberty, than to abandon all to the ambition of those strangers, and reduce themselves by a surrender to a wretched state of slavery.

    Two days after the defeat of the Spaniards, some messengers sent from the city of Quauhnahuac arrived at the camp of Cortes, to complain of the great injuries done them by their neighbours the Malinalchese, who, according to their affirmations, were going into confederacy with the Cohuicas, a very numerous nation, on purpose to destroy Quauhnahuac, because they had become the allies of the Spaniards, and afterwards to pass the mountains to make an assault, with a large army, on the camp of Cortes. This general, although he felt himself rather in a state to demand assistance than to give it, nevertheless, for the reputation of the Spanish arms, and to prevent the blow which was threatened, sent the captain Andrea de Tapia with the messengers two hundred Spaniards, ten horses, and a large number of allies, with orders to unite themselves with the troops of Quauhnahuac, and to do every thing which he thought would conduce to the service of his king, and the security of the Spaniards. Tapia executed all that was enjoined him by the general, and in a place situated between


     


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    Quauhnahuac and Malinalca, had a pitched battle with the enemy, defeated and pursued them to the foot of the mountain, on whose top the city of Malinalca flood. He could not, according to his wish, make an assault upon it, as it was inaccessible to his cavalry, but he laid the country waste, and the ten days being now expired, which was the time of absence prescribed him, he returned to the camp.

    Two days after, messengers from the Otomies of the valley of Tolloccan arrived at the same camp, praying aid against the Matlatzincas, a powerful and warlike nation of the same valley, who kept them continually at war, had burned one of their settlements, made many of them prisoners, and besides had agreed with the Mexicans to attack with all their forces the camp of Cortes, by the way of the main land while the Mexicans attacked them from the city. In the entries which the Spaniards had made into Mexico, they had sometimes heard the Mexicans threaten them with the power of the Matlatzincas, and Cortes now perceived, from the account of the Otomies, the great danger he would rim, if he should give the enemy an opportunity of putting their design in execution. He would not trust this expedition to any other than the brave and gallant Sandoval. This indefatigable officer, although he had been wounded on the day of the defeat of Cortes, had acted for some days as general, incessantly going round the three camps, making the best disposition for their security. Scarcely fourteen days elapsed after the defeat of Cortes, when he marched towards the valley of Tolloccan with eighteen horses, a hundred Spanish infantry, and sixty thousand allies. In their way they saw some marks of devastation committed by the Matlatzincas, and when they


     


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    entered the valley, they found a settlement newly laid in ruins, and saw the troops of the enemy loaded with spoils, which however they quickly abandoned as soon as the Spaniards appeared, in order to be sooner ready for battle. They parted a river which crosses the valley, arid flood upon its border waiting for the Spaniards. Sandoval forded it intrepidly with his army, attacked the enemy, put them to flight, and chafed them for nine miles into a city, where they took refuge, leaving more than a thousand of them dead on the field. Sandoval laid siege to the city, and forced the enemy to abandon it, and betake themselves to a fortress built on the top of a steep mountain. The victorious army entered the city, and, after having plundered it, set fire to the buildings; and because it was then late in the day, and the troops wearied, they reserved the assault of the fortress till the following morning, when, however, although expecting to meet with a strong opposition, they found the fortress evacuated. Sandoval determined, as he returned, to pass through some settlements which had also declared themselves hostile to the allies of the Spaniards; but he had no occasion to make use of arms against them, for they were so intimidated at seeing so great an army, which was much augmented by numerous troops of the Otomies, that they immediately surrendered. Sandoval treated them with the greatest mildness, and requested of them that they would persuade the nation of the Matlatzincas to enter into friendship with the Spaniards, by representing to them the advantages which they would derive from it; and, on the contrary, the misfortunes which might spring from their enmity to them. Those expeditions proved of the utmost importance, for four days after Sandoval had returned, several Matlatzincan,


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      63


    Malinalchese, and Cohuixcan lords, arrived at the camp of Cortes, to make an excuse for their hostilities, and to establish a confederacy, which was most strengthening to the Spaniards, and eminently prejudicial to the Mexicans.

    From the side of the main land, or continent, the Spaniards had no more enemies to alarm them, and Cortes had under his direction such an excessive number of troops, that he was able to have employed in the siege of Mexico more people than Xerxes sent against Greece, if from the nature of the file of that capital, such a multitude of besiegers would not have been rather a hindrance. The Mexicans, on the contrary, found themselves forsaken by their friends and their subjects, surrounded by enemies, and oppressed by famine. That unfortunate capital had armed against it, the Spaniards, the kingdom of Acolhuacan, the republics of Tlascala, Huexotzinco, and Cholula, almost all the cities of the Mexican vale, and the populous nations of the Totonacas, Mixtecas, Otomies, Tlahuicas, Cohuixcas, Matlatzincas, and others; so that, besides external enemies, more than half of the empire had conspired for its ruin, and the other part stood neuter in its cause.

    While the commander Sandoval was displaying his courage against the Matlatzincas, the general Chichimecatl gave a signal instance of his against the Mexicans. This famous general, when he saw that the Spaniards, after their defeat, stood upon the defensive only, resolved to make an entry into Mexico with his Tlascalans alone. He set out with this view from the camp of Alvarado, where he had constantly been stationed since the beginning of the siege, accompanying the Spaniards in all their engagements, and every where signalizing his


     


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    bravery. He took on this occasion all the ditches in the road of Tlacopan, and leaving four hundred archers as a guard to the most dangerous pass, that they might secure his retreat, entered with the main body of his troops into the city, where he had a terrible encounter with the Mexicans, in which many were killed and wounded on both sides. The Mexicans flattered themselves they would have been able to have defeated them in their retreat, as they passed the ditch; but by the arms of the archers posted there on the opposite bank, he passed it safely with his Tlascalans, and returned full of glory to the camp.

    In order to revenge this audacious attempt of the Tlascalans, the Mexicans one night attacked the camp of Alvarado; but having been heard in their approach by the centinels, the Spaniards and allies ran to arms. The engagement lasted three hours, during which time Cortes having heard from his camp the cannonade, and suspecting the cause of it, it appeared to him to be a prosper time to make an entry into the city with his people, who were now cured of their wounds. The Mexicans, who had gone to Tlacopan, not being able to overcome the resistance made by the Spaniards, returned to the city, where they found Cortes with his army: they fought with spirit, but without any considerable advantage being gained by either party.

    At this same time, when there was the greatest necessity of arms and ammunition, a vessel arrived at Vera Cruz, and which brought new supplies to the Spaniards, by which they were put in a state fit to continue their operations. The prince D. C. Ixtlilxochitl had advised the Spanish general not to exhaust himself in new assaults, in which his army might suffer too much; that


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      65


    without exposing himself to such an evil, or ruining the beautiful edifices of the capital, he would be able to make himself master of it, merely by hindering the introduction of any supplies; for the more numerous the besieged were, the sooner they would consume the few provisions they had left. Cortes was not inattentive to the acuteness of this advice, and valued it the more, as it came from a person, who from youth and intrepidity of temper, might rather have desired an occasion of displaying his bravery: but he could only adhere to it for a few days. Becoming soon weary of the tediousness of the siege, he re-commenced former hostilities, though not without first making proportions of peace to the Mexicans, drawing a comparison to them between his and their forces, and repeating the reasons which he had formerly urged. The Mexicans answered, that they would never lay down their arms until the Spaniards set off to their own country.

    Cortes now seeing the resolution of the Mexicans, after forty-five days of siege, and that the more he made overtures of peace the more obstinately they rejected them, determined not to make another step into the city, without destroying every building on either side of the road, not only to prevent the mischief which the troops suffered from the terraces, but likewise to force the besieged, by constant hostilities, to accept of his propositions. He applied, therefore, and obtained from his allies, some thousands of their villagers and peasants, furnished with instruments fit for demolishing buildings and filling up ditches. For some days following he made several entries into the city, with his Spaniards and brigantines, and upwards of a hundred and fifty thousand allies, demolishing every house, filling up all


     


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    the ditches, and diminishing the number of his enemies by death, although not without the utmost peril to his own person and his people; for he was nearly made a prisoner, when he was relieved by his own soldiers, and his troops were sometimes obliged to escape the fury of the enemy by flight. Some Spaniards and allies perished in those encounters, and two brigantines were almost captured by a fleet of canoes; but a third coming up to their assistance, extricated them from the danger.

    In those entries several Spanish women made themselves famous by their bravery (q): they voluntarily accompanied their husbands to war, and, from the continual hardships they underwent and the examples of valour which they had always before their eyes, were in a manner become soldiers: they kept guard, marched along with their husbands, armed with breast-plates of cotton, shields, and swords, and threw themselves intrepidly into the midst of the enemy, adding in spite of their sex to the number of the besiegers.

    On the twenty-fourth of July they made a new entry into the city with a greater number of troops than on the preceding days; and, vigorously bent on conquest, the Spaniards at last got possession of that road by which the large road of Iztapalapan communicated with that of Tlacopan; the object which Cortes had so ardently longed to accomplish, for the free communication of his with the camp of Alvarado. They took by assault and afterwards filled up several ditches, and burned and destroyed many buildings; among others, a palace of king Quauhtemotzin, which was a vast and strong edifice surrounded

    __________
    (q) Those women were Maria de Estrada, whose courage we have formerly mentioned, Beatrice Bermudez de Valasco, Juanna Martin, Elizabeta Roderiguez, and Beatrice Palacios.


     


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    with intrenchments. The Spaniards that day remained matters of three of the four quarters of the capital, the besieged being now reduced to the part of Tlatelolco, which, on account of there being more water in it, was more strong and secure.

    From a Mexican woman of rank, taken in the last assault, the Spanish general learned the miserable state of the city, through the scarcity of provisions and the discord prevailing among the besieged: for the king, and his relations, and many of the nobles, were determined to die rather than surrender; while the people were discouraged and weary of the siege. Her account was confirmed by two deserters of inferior rank, who were impelled by hunger to come to the camp of Cortes.

    Upon gaining this intelligence, Cortes resolved not to let a day pass without entering the city, until he took or ruined it; he therefore returned with his army on the twenty-fifth, and got possession of a large road, in which there was so great a ditch that the whole day was not time sufficient to stop or fill it up. They demolished or burned all the houses of that quarter, in spite of the resistance of the enemy. The Mexicans, on beholding the allies busied in razing the houses, cried out to them, "Demolish, ye traitors! lay those houses in ruin, for afterwards you will have the labour of repairing them." "We," answered the allies, "will unquestionably rebuild them, if you should be conquerors; but if you should be conquered, yourselves must rebuild them, and your enemies inhabit them." The Mexicans being unable to repair the buildings, made little fortifications of wood on the roads to annoy the besiegers from them as they had done from the terraces; and to impede the motions of the Cavalry, they strewed


     


    68                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    the square with large stones; but the besiegers made use of them to fill up the ditches.

    In the entry which was made on the twenty-sixth, two large ditches were taken, which had been recently dug by the Mexicans. Alvarado in his quarter was daily advancing farther into the city, and on the twenty-seventh pushed so far, taking several ditches and intrenchments, that he came at last to occupy two towers neighbouring to the palace where king Quauhtemotzin resided; but he could proceed no farther on account of the great difficulty he found from other ditches, and the gallant resistance of the enemy, who obliged him to retreat, charging furiously upon his rear-guard. Cortes having observed an extraordinary smoke which arose from those towers, made by way of signal, and suspecting that which had actually happened, entered as usual into the city, and employed the whole day in repairing every bad step. He wanted but one canal and one intrenchment to come at the square of the market; he determined to push on until he got there, which at last he effected; and then, for the first time after the commencement of the siege, his troops met with those of Alvarado, to the inexpressible satisfaction of both. Cortes entered with some cavalry into the square, and found innumerable people there, lodged in the porticos, the houses of that district hot being sufficient to contain them. He mounted the temple, from whence he observed the city, and perceived, that of the eight parts of which it consisted, only one remained to be taken. He ordered his people to set fire to the lofty and beautiful towers of that temple, where, as in the greater temple of Tenochtitlan, the idol of the god of war was adored. The Mexican populace, on seeing the great flame which arose


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      69


    from thence and seemed to reach the clouds, uttered deep lamentations. Cortes, moved with pity at seeing so great a body of people reduced to the utmost diitretics, commanded all hostilities to cease for that day, and new proposals to be made to the besieged, if they would surrender; but they answered, that they never would, and that while but one Mexican remained alive he would continue the defence till death.

    Four days having pasted without hostilities, Cortes entered anew into the city, and encountered with a large crowd of miserable creatures, of men, women, and young children, emaciated and almost dying of hunger; the famine being so great, that many of them lived solely upon herbs, marsh roots, insects, and even the bark of trees. The general, compassionating such wretches, ordered his troops not to do them any hurt, and passed on to the square of the market, where he found the porticos filled with people who were unarmed; a certain token of the despondency of the people and their displeasure at the obstinacy of the king and the nobles. The greater part of that day was employed in negociations for peace; but Cortes finding that nothing would avail, ordered Alvarado to advance with an armed body through a great road where there were more than a thousand houses, while he with all his army made an attack in another quarter. The slaughter which they made of the besieged that day was so great, that there were upwards of twelve thousand killed and taken prisoners. The allies raged so cruelly against these unhappy victims, that they spared neither age nor sex, the severe orders of the general being of no effect to control them.


     


    70                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    The next day Cortes returned with all his forces, but commanded them to do no hurt to the besieged, moved not less by the compassion which the sight of their misery excited than the hope he had of inducing them to surrender. The Mexicans seeing such a hoft of enemies come against them, and among them their own subjects who had formerly served them and now threatened them with ruin^ finding themselves reduced to the most distressing situation, and viewing before their eyes so many objects of affliction, having hardly a place to set a foot upon, except the dead bodies of their citizens, vented their anguish in horrid cries, and demanded death as the only cure for their pitch of misery. Some of the common people requested Cortes to treat with some nobles who defended an intrenchment about an accommodation: Cortes went to them, but with little hopes of success to his propositions: they happened to be some of those persons who could no longer endure the severity of the siege. When they saw Cortes advancing towards them, they called out with the accents of desperation, "If you are the child of the sun, as some do imagine, when your father is so swift that in the short space of a day he finishes his airy course, why are you so tedious in delivering us from all our calamities by death? We would die, that we may pass to heaven, where our god Huitzilopochtli waits to give us the repose and reward our fatigues and services and sacrifices to him have earned." Cortes made use of various arguments to move them to a surrender; but, as they answered that it was not in their power, nor had they any hope of persuading the king to it, he withdrew, in order to make a felicitation to the same purpose by means of an illustrious person whom he had three days before


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      71


    made a prisoner; he was an uncle of the king of Tezcuco; him he charged, though wounded, to go to Tlatelolco to confer on the subject with the king: but he saw no other fruits of his embassy than the clamours of the people repeated, with which they demanded their deaths. Some Mexican troops made a desperate assault on the Spaniards, but they were so enfeebled by the want of common sustenance, that their efforts made little impression, and the repulse of their enemies was too strong to be withstood.

    Cortes returned the day following to the city, expecting every moment that the Mexicans would surrender; and, without allowing any hurt to be done them, he directed his way to some persons of eminence stationed in an intrenchment, who were known to him from the first time he had been at that court, and demanded of them why they would defend themselves so obstinately, being unable for more resistance, and finding themselves in such a state that with one blow he could take away every life among them. They answered, that they saw most clearly that their ruin was inevitable, and they would willingly have prevented it, but it did not lie with them to determine the point. They offered however to petition the king to listen to propositions of peace. They accordingly went immediately to the palace, and in a short time after returned, saying that it was so late in the day, the king could not come, but that they did not doubt he would meet with Cortes in the same place to morrow. There was in the centre of this place a large square terrace, where the Mexicans made their theatrical representations, as we have already mentioned. Cortes ordered tapestries and little stools or chairs to be placed on this theatre, on purpose to hold the desired conference, and a good entertainment to be provided for the king


     


    72                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    and the nobility who might accompany him. The day being arrived, he sent notice to the king that he waited for him at that place; but the king returned five respectable persons, to apologize for his not coming in person, on account of an indisposition he had, and because he could not place confidence in the Spaniards. Cortes received them with the greatest benignity, gave them an elegant banquet, and sent them back to the king, to request him in Cortes's name to come to that interview without fear; as he pledged his faith to pay due respect to his royal person, that his presence was absolutely necessary, and nothing could be concluded without him; and accompanied this embassy with a present of provisions, which at this juncture was the more valuable. The ambassadors, after discovering in the course of the entertainment the great necessities they suffered, retired, and about two hours after returned, bearing Cortes a present of the finest garments, which were sent him by the king, and a repetition of his former excuses. Three days were spent in those negociations to no effect.

    Cortes had given orders to the allies to remain without the city, as the Mexicans had requested him not to allow them to be present when he held a conference with the king; but having now lost every hope of an accommodation, he recalled all the troops of his camp, iu which there were upwards of one hundred and fifty thousand men, and those also of the camp of Alvarado; and with all those forces collected he began to storm some ditches and intrenchments, which were the strongest fortifications remaining to the Mexicans, and at the same time Sandoval with his army attacked the city in the quarter of the north. Of all days this was the most unfortunate for that city, as on it the Mexican blood was


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      73


    most lavishly spilt; the wretched citizens, having now neither arms to repel the multitude and fury of their enemies, strength to defend themselves, nor space to sight upon; the ground of the city was covered with dead bodies, and the water of every ditch and canal purpled with blood. Nothing was to be seen but slaughter and ruin, and nothing was heard but piteous moans and cries of desperation. The allies grew still more cruel against that miserable people, and gave the Spaniards more trouble to check their fierceness and inhuman rage, than to combat with the enemy. The havoc made of the Mexicans that. day was so great, that, according to the account of Cortes himself, the number of victims exceeded forty thousand.

    The intolerable stench arising from so many unburied dead carcases, obliged the besiegers at this time to withdraw from the city: but the day after, being the thirteenth of August, they returned, to give the last assault to that district of Tlatelolco which yet remained in the possession of the Mexicans. Cortes carried three pieces of artillery with him, assigned to each captain the place where he was to make the assault, and commanded them to make every exertion to force the besieged to throw themselves upon the water towards that place where he expected Sandoval with the brigantines, which was a sort of harbour entirely surrounded with houses, where the vessels of the merchants used to come on shore when they came to the market of Tlatelolco; and, above all, to endeavour to seize the king Quauhtemotzin, as that was sufficient to render them matters of the city, and to put an end to the war: but before he proceeded to this decisive blow, he made new attempts to bring about an accommodation. He was induced to this, not only from


     


    74                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    compassion on so many wretched people, but likewise from the desire of making himself master of the royal treasures and those of the nobility; for if this last part of the city was taken by assault, the Mexicans, when bereft of every hope of saving their riches, might throw them into the lake, that the victors might not enjoy them; and in case that was not done, they would be seized by the allies, who, from being innumerable and more acquainted with the houses, would leave little or nothing to the Spaniards in the disorder and confusion of the assault. He, for this purpose, went to an eminence to speak with some respectable Mexicans who were well known to him, represented to them their extreme danger, and requested them to make new applications to the king, to consent to that conference which he so much desired for the good of the kingdom, himself, and all his subjects; for that, if he persisted in his purpose of defending himself, he was determined not to leave a Mexican alive that day among them. Two of those nobles took upon them to persuade the king, but they were no sooner gone than they returned, accompanying the Cihuacoatl^ or supreme magistrate of the court. He was received by Cortes with many tokens of cordiality and respect; but, with an air of sovereignty, by which it appeared he designed to shew his mind superior to all calamities, he said to Cortes, "Spare me, O general! the trouble of soliciting a conference for you with my king and lord Quauhtemotzin: he is resolved to die rather than appear before you: I cannot express to you how painful his resolution is to me; but there is no remedy: you, however, will follow the counsel you think proper, and act agreeable to your designs." Cortes told him


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      75


    to go and prepare the citizens for the death which they would soon suffer.

    In the mean time, numerous bodies of women and children and low people came to surrender themselves to the Spaniards, hastening to extricate themselves from the impending danger; some of them, however, perished, in attempting to swim across the ditches, for want of strength. Cortes ordered no injury to be offered to those who surrendered, and stationed some Spaniards in different places, to check by their authority the barbarous cruelty of the allies; but in spite of his orders, more than fifteen thousand men, women, and children, perished in the hands of those furious and inhuman troops.

    The nobles and warriors who remained obstinate in their resolution to defend themselves to the last moment, occupied the terraces of the houses and some of their paved roads. Cortes observing that it was late and that they did not choose to surrender, made some shots of artillery be fired upon them; but that not being sufficient, he discharged an arquebuse as a signal for the assault. All the besiegers made the attack at once, and pressed so hard upon the feeble and harassed citizens, that finding no place within the city to fly to, to defend themselves from the fury of so numerous an enemy, many threw themselves into the water, and others came to surrender themselves to the conquerors. The Mexicans had prepared vessels, to save themselves by flight from the fury of the enemy; but Cortes having been aware of this resource for escape, had given orders to Sandoval to take possession with the brigantines of the port of Tlatelolco, and to seize every bark. In spite of the utmost diligence employed by Sandoval,


     


    76                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    many escaped and among others, the one which carried the royal personages. This active commander having discovered it, ordered Garcia de Holguin, the captain of the swiftest brigantine, to give chafe; he made such speed that in a short time he came up with it, and the Spaniards were preparing to fire into it when they ceased their oars and threw down their arms in token of surrender. In that large vessel, or piragua, were the king of Mexico Quauhtemotzin, the queen Tecuichpotzin his wife, Coanacotzin the king of Acolhuacan, Tetlepanquetzaltzin the king of Tlacopan, and other persons of rank. The brigantine boarded them, and the king of Mexico advancing towards the Spaniards, said to the captain, "I am your prisoner: I have no favour to ask, but that you will shew the queen my wife and her attendants the respect due to their sex and rank." And, taking hold of the queen by the hand he parted with her into the brigantine. observing afterwards, that the Spanish captain looked anxiously after the other vessels, he told him that he needed not doubt, that as soon as they all knew that their sovereign was prisoner they would come to die with him.

    The captain Holguin conducted those illustrious persons to Cortes, who was then upon the terrace of a house in Tlatelolco. He received them with every mark of respect and humanity, and made them sit down. Quauhtemotzin, with much greatness of mind, told him, "I have done, brave general! in defence of myself and my subjects, every thing which the honour of my crown and regard for my people demanded; but as my gods have been against me, I see myself now deprived of my crown and my liberty: I am now your prisoner; at your pleasure dispose of my person:" and putting his hand


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      77


    upon a dagger which Cortes wore at his girdle, he added, "with this dagger take that life from me which I have not lost in the defence of my kingdom." Cortes strove to console him, with many arguments, declaring that he did not consider him as his prisoner, but the prisoner of the greatest monarch of Europe, from whose clemency he ought to trust, that not only the liberty which he had loft, but also the throne of his illustrious ancestors, which he had so worthily occupied and defended, would be restored to him. But what solace could he have from such declarations, or what confidence could he put in the words of Cortes, who had always been his enemy, and after having seen that though the friend and protector of Montezuma, both were not sufficient to save to that monarch his crown, his liberty, or his life? He desired of Cortes, that he would do no hurt to his subjects; and Cortes in return desired of him, that he would command them all to surrender. Both gave their orders, and both were instantly obeyed. It was ordered also, that all the Mexicans should leave the city without arms or baggage; and according to the affirmation of an eye-witness of the utmost sincerity, (r) for three days and three nights all the three roads leading from the city were seen full of men, women, and children; feeble, emaciated, and dirty, who went to recover

    __________
    (r) "Es verdad y juro amen que toda la laguna y casas y barbacoas estaban llenas de cuerpos y cabezas de hombres muertos; que yo no se de que manera lo escriba; pues en las calles y en los mismos patios de Tlatelolco no habia otras cosas y no podiamos andar, fino entre cuerpos y cabezas de Indios muertos. Yo he leido la destrucion de Jerusalem; mas fi en ella hubo tanta mortandad como esta yo no lo se," &c. Bernal Diaz, chap. 156. of his history. Such expressions, from an eye-witness of great sincerity, who was not given to exaggeration, convey to us a just idea of that horrid slaughter. We suspect that the Mexicans left the dead bodies unburied, that the stench of them might drive away the besiegers; as otherwise it is probable that on account of their strict attention to funeral rites, they would have removed them all.


     


    78                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    in other places of the empire. The fetid smell, which so many thousand putrid bodies emitted, was so intolerable, that it occasioned some sickness to the general of the conquerors. The houses, the streets, and the canals, were full of disfigured carcases; the ground of the city was in some places found dug up by the citizens, who searched under the earth for roots to feed on, and many trees were stripped of their bark, to supply the exigencies of famine. The general caused the dead bodies to be buried, and large quantities of wood to be burned through all the city, as much in order to purify the infected air as to celebrate his victory.

    The news of the taking of the capital spread quickly through all the land; most of the provinces of the empire acknowledged obedience to Cortes, though some few for two years after continued to war upon the Spaniards. The allies returned to their native districts, joyful beyond measure with their prey, and gratified in extreme to have shaken and convulsed that court whose dominion they never could brook, and whose arms kept them in perpetual uneasiness; never perceiving, that with their own hands they had been forming the chains which were to fetter their liberty, and that when that empire was fallen, all the other nations of the region must be degraded and enslaved.

    The plunder was greatly inferior to the hopes and expectations of the conquerors. The garments and apparel which they found in the capital were divided among the allies: those works of gold, silver, and feathers, which, on account of the singularity of their workmanship were preserved entire, were sent as presents to the emperor Charles V. all the rest of the gold, which was melted, hardly amounted to nineteen thousand two


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      79


    hundred ounces; (s) not only because the Mexicans threw the greater part into the lake, (t) but also because individuals both Spaniards and allies, endeavoured in plundering, to recompense themselves secretly for their hardships and toils.

    The taking of that capital happened on the thirteenth of August, 1521, one hundred and ninety-fix years after the foundation of it by the Aztecas, one hundred and sixty-nine years after it was erected into a monarchy, which was governed by eleven kings. The siege of Mexico, something resembling in the disasters and slaughters with which it was attended that of Jerusalem, lasted seventy-five days; during which time, of two hundred thousand and more allies, some thousands perished; and of nine hundred Spaniards, more than one hundred were killed and sacrificed. The number of the Mexicans killed is not known; but according to the account of Cortes and Bernal Diaz, and what other historians say on that subject, it appears that the slain exceeded one hundred thousand in number. With respect to those who died by famine, or sickness occasioned by the brackish water which they drank and the infection of the air, Cortes himself affirms they were more than fifty thousand. The city appeared one complete ruin. The king

    __________
    (s) Cortes says, that the gold which was melted down weighed one hundred and thirty thousand castellanos, equal to nineteen thousand two hundred ounces. There were among the spoils sent to Charles V. pearls of an enormous size, most valuable gems, and some curious works of gold. The ship in which they were carried was taken by I. Florin, a famous French pirate, and the treasure was sent to the court of France; which authorised such depredations, under the not less famed than frivolous pretence, that the most Christian king was a son of Adam as well as the Catholic king.

    (t) Bernal Diaz says, that he saw some things of gold got up out of the lake, and amongst others, a sun similar to that which Montezuma sent to Cortes when he was on the coast of Chalchiuhcuecan.


     


    80                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    of Mexico, in spite of the magnificent promises of the Spanish general was in a few days put ignominiously to the torture, which he bore with unshaken firmness, that he might declare where the immense riches of the court and temples were deposited; (u) and in three years after, was hanged, together with the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, on account of some suspicious circumstances in their conduct. (x) The Mexicans, and all the nations that contributed to their ruin, notwithstanding the humane and benevolent dispositions of the Catholic kings, remained abandoned to misery and oppression, and the contempt not only of the Spaniards, but even of the lowest African slaves and their infamous descendants.

    __________
    (u) The torture given to king Quauhtemotzin, was burning his feet slowly after they were anointed with oil. An intimate friend of the king voluntarily I'n.m il his sufferings, and died under the torment. Bernal Diaz also adds, that the king of Tlacopan was tortured along with him. Cortes, in spite of his abhorrence of this ad, was driven to it by the suggestions and insinuations of some avaricious Spaniards, who suspected that he had intended not to put the king to the torture in order to possess himself secretly of all the royal treasure.

    (x) Quauhtemotzin king of Mexico, Coanacotzin king of Acolhuacan, and Tetlepanquetzaltzin king of Tlacopan, were hanged upon a tree in Izancanac, the capital of the province of Acallan, on one of the three days preceding Lent of the year 15a5. The occasion of their death was, some discourse they had among themselves relative to their misfortunes, in which they insinuated how easy it would be for them if they inclined to kill Cortes and the Spaniards and to recover their liberty and their crowns. A Mexican traitor, in order to gain the favour of the Spanish general, communicated what had been said, but altered the sense of the words, and represented the casual remarks of conversation as a formed conspiracy against him. Cortes, who was then on his journey towards the province of Comajahua, with a few Spaniards almost exhausted by fatigue, and upwards of three thousand Mexicans whom he carried along with him, was persuaded there was no way of shunning the danger which threatened him, but putting the three kings to death. "This sentence," says Bernal Diaz, "was extremely unjust, and much blamed by all who were travelling with him that day." It occasioned some watchings and melancholy to Cortes.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      81


    Thus, it has been said, in conducting the Spaniards, a polished nation of Europe, to overturn the rude monarchy of the Mexicans, in America, did Providence puniQi the latter for the injustice, cruelty, and superstition of their ancestors. But there the victors, in one year of merciless massacre, sacrificed more human victims to avarice and ambition, than the Indians during the existence of their empire had devoted in worship to their native gods; there the legislative art of Europe corrected the bloody policy of American tribes, and introduced the ministry of justice, by despoiling Indian caziques of their territories and tributes, torturing them for gold, and enslaving their Posterity: and there the mild parental voice of the Christian religion was suborned to terrify confounded savages with the malice of a strange, and by them unprovoked, God; and her gentle arm in violence lifted up, to raze their temples and hospitable habitations, to ruin every fond relic and revered monument of their ancestry and origin, and divorce them in anguish from the bosom of their country.



     

    [ 83 ]


    APPENDIX:

    CONTAINING

    DISSERTATIONS

    ON

    THE LAND, THE ANIMALS, AND THE
    INHABITANTS OF MEXICO:


    IN WHICH

    The ANCIENT HISTORY of that COUNTRY is confirmed, many POINTS of NATURAL HISTORY illustrated, and numerous ERRORS refuted, which have been published concerning AMERICA by some celebrated modern AUTHORS.




     


    [ 84 ]


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    [ 85 ]



    INTRODUCTION.

    The dissertations which we enter upon are both useful and necessary, to illustrate the ancient history of Mexico, and confirm the truth of many points maintained in it. The first Dissertation is requisite, to supply the defective knowledge we have respecting the first population of that new world. The second, though tedious and less calculated to interest, ought not to be omitted, in order that we may know the foundations of our chronology; and will prove useful to whoever may hereafter write the history of Mexico. All the others are equally important, to guard incautious readers from the mistakes and deceptions they would otherwise be led into, by the crowd of modern authors, who, without possessing sufficient knowledge, have not been ashamed to write on the land, the animals, and inhabitants of America.

    Any person who reads the work of M. de P. must entertain a thousand ideas contrary to the sincerity of our history. He is a philosopher of the present fashion, and learned; particularly on certain subjects, where it is his misfortune to be wife; and ignorance would have been his bliss. He mingles insult and buffoonery in his discourses; enters without respect into the house of God, and sheds malevolence and invective from his pen without reverence for truth or feelings for innocence. He decides rashly, and in a magisterial tone; incessantly cites the writers of America, and declares his work to be the


     


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    fruit of ten years toil. This he means should recommend him with many readers of this philosophic age, who esteem nothing but philosophy, and think those men philosophers only who satirize religion and talk in the language of impiety.

    The attempt made by M. de P. is to persuade the world, that in the vast region of America all nature has degenerated; in the plants, in the animals, and in the inhabitants. The earth, incumbered with lofty mountains and rocks, and in the plains deluged with stagnant and corrupted waters, or covered with woods so vast and so thick, that the sun's rays never penetrate them, is, he says, generally barren, and more abounding in poisonous plants than all the rest of the world: the air unwholesome, and more cold than that of the other continent: the climate unfavourable to the propagation of animals: all the animals native to these countries were smaller, more deformed, feeble, cowardly, and stupid, than those of the ancient world; and those which were transported there soon degenerated, as well as all the plants transplanted there from Europe: the men hardly differed from the beasts, except in figure; but even in this, many marks of degeneration appear; their colour olive, their heads extremely hard and armed with coarse thick locks, and the whole of the rest of their bodies totally destitute of hair: they are brutal and weakly, and subject to many violent disorders, occasioned by the insalubrity of their climate; but however their bodies may be formed, their minds are still more imperfect; they are so irretentive in memory, that they forget to-day what they did yesterday; they can neither reflect nor order their ideas, nor are capable of improving them, nor of thinking, because their brains circulate only gross


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      87


    viscous humours; they are insensible to the desires of love, or any other passion; their sloth holds them sunk in a savage state; their cowardice was made manifest at the conquest; their moral vices are correspondent to their physical defects; drunkenness, lying, and pederasty, were common in the islands, in Mexico, Peru, and over all the new continent; they lived without laws; the few arts they knew were very rude; agriculture was totally neglected by them, their architecture pitiful, and their utensils still more imperfect: in the whole new world were only two cities, Cuzco in South, and Mexico in North America, and even these constituted but miserable hamlets, &c.

    This is a flight sketch of the monstrous picture which M. de P. draws of America: we do not give it at length, nor say how other authors, as ill informed or strongly prejudiced as he is, have represented it: it would waste too much time to copy their absurdities and errors; neither do we intend to make the apology of America or the Americans; that would require a very voluminous work: to write an error, two lines are sufficient; two pages, or two sheets may not be sufficient to refute it: we shall therefore, reply to those only which affect the truth of our history: we have chosen the work of M. de P. because in it the errors of most others are collected.

    Although M. de P. is the principal author to whom we direct our animadversions, we shall have occasion to remark upon others, and, among those, on Count de Buffon. We have the utmost esteem for this celebrated author, and consider him the most diligent, the most accurate, and most eloquent naturalist of the age; perhaps there never was in the world one who made such progress in the knowledge of animals as he has done; but


     


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    as the subject of the work he has undertaken is so vast and so various, it is not wonderful that he has sometimes erred, or forgot what he has written with respect to America, where nature is so inexhaustible; the mistakes, therefore, or proofs we may adduce of his errors, can have no influence on the reputation of one so deservedly respected by the learned world.

    In the quotations of the history of Quadrupeds of count de Buffon, we made use of the Paris edition, in thirty-one volumes, twelves, concluded in the year 1768. In those of the work of M. de P. we have used the London edition of 1771, in three volumes, including the answer made him by Don Pernety, and reply of M. de Paw.





     

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    DISSERTATION I.

    On the Population of America, and in particular that of Mexico.

    No problem in history has been more difficult of solution than the population of America, or has occasioned a greater diversity of opinions. Ancient philosophers were not more divided concerning the supreme good than the moderns about this. To examine them all would be a fruitless labour. Neither do we intend to establish a new system, having no foundation to support one: we mean simply to offer and submit to the judgment of the learned a few conjectures, which we presume may not be useless. In order to proceed with dearness and precision, we shall divide our general subject: into several parts, and explain our sentiments on each separately.
     



    SECT. I.

    At what Period America began to be peopled.

    Betancourt, and other authors, are persuaded, that the new world began to be peopled before the deluge. That certainly might have happened, because the space of one thousand six hundred and fifty-fix years elapsed from the creation of the first man until the deluge, according to the chronology of the Hebrew text of Genesis, and our common reckoning; and still more, the space of two thousand two hundred and forty-two, or two thousand two hundred and sixty-two years, according to the computation of the Seventy, was certainly


     


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    enough to people all the world, as has been already demonstrated by some writers; at least after ten or twelve centuries, some of those families which scattered themselves towards the most eastern parts of Asia, might pals to that part of the world which we call at present America, whether it was, as we believe, united to the other, or separated by a small arm of the sea from it. But how do those authors prove that America was peopled before the deluge? Because they say there were giants in America, and the race of giants was antediluvian. Because God, others will say, did not create the earth to remain uninhabited; and it is not probable that, after creating America for that purpose, he would leave it so long without inhabitants. Admitting the sacred text to be taken in the vulgar sense, and that the giants were men of extraordinary size and bigness, this would by no means confirm such opinion, because we read in the sacred writings also of giants posterior to the deluge. Neither does the text of Isaiah prove any thing in favour of that opinion, because although God created the earth to be inhabited, no one can divine the time prefixed by him for the execution of his designs.

    The traveller Gemelli says, on the evidence of some ancient pictures of the Mexicans, that the city of Mexico was founded in the year II Calli, corresponding to the year 1325 of the creation or the world, that is, more than three hundred years before the deluge; but this erroneous absurdity was not an error of his mind but a flip of his pen, as plainly appears from the context of his narration; wherefore he is unjustly reprobated by Mr. de P. who also accuses Siguenza of the same error, whereas we are very certain this most learned Mexican was of a very different opinion. It is true that the city


     


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    of Mexico was founded in the year II Calli, and that that was the year 1325, not of the world, however, but of the vulgar era, which the above mentioned traveller certainly meant to have, written.

    It is therefore useless to investigate whether America was peopled before the deluge, because on one hand although we were able to discover it, on the other we are certain, that all men perished in the deluge. We are therefore obliged always, after that general inundation, to seek for new peoplers of America. We know that some writers circumscribe the deluge to a certain part of Asia; but we know also that that opinion is contrary to the Sacred Writings, to the traditions of the Americans, and physical observations.

    Dr. Siguenza believed the population of America began not long after the dispersion of nations. As we have not the manuscripts of that celebrated Mexican, we are ignorant on what foundation he rested his opinion, which was very conformable to the tradition of the Chiapanese. Other authors, on the contrary, believe that population very modern, because the writers of the history of the Mexicans and Peruvians did not find among those nations any memory of their particular events farther back than eight centuries. But those authors confound the population of Mexico made by the Chichimecas and the Aztecas, with that which their ancestors had made many ages before in the northern countries of America, nor distinguished the Mexicans from other nations who occupied that country before them. Who can ascertain when the Otomies, Olmecas, Cuitlatecas, and Michuacanese entered into the country of Anahuac? It is not surprising that some writers of Mexico could not find any memorials more ancient than eight centuries;


     


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    since, besides the loss of the greater part of the historical monuments of those nations, as they did not know how to adjust the Mexican years with ours, they frequently committed gross anachronisms; but they who had procured greater abundance of the ancient and select paintings, and knew a little better how to trace the chronology of those people, such as Siguenza and Ixtlilxochitl, found records certainly more ancient, and used them in their valuable manuscripts.

    We do not doubt that the population of America has been very ancient, and more so than it may seem to have been to European authors, 1. Because the Americans wanted those arts and inventions, such, for example, as those of wax and oil for light, which, on the one hand, being very ancient in Europe and Asia, are on the other most useful, not to say necessary, and when once discovered, are never forgotten. 2. Because the polished nations of the new world, and particularly those of Mexico, preserve in their traditions and in their paintings the memory of the creation of the world, the building of the tower of Babel, the confusion of languages, and the dispersion of the people, though blended with some fables, and had no knowledge of the events which happened afterwards in Asia, in Africa, or in Europe, although many of them were so great and remarkable, that they could not easily have gone from their memories. 3. Because neither was there among the Americans any knowledge of the people of the old continent, nor among the latter any account of the passage of the former to the new world. These reasons, we presume, give some probability to our opinion.


     


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    SECT. II.

    Who were the Peoplers of America.

    Those who question the authority of the sacred writings say the Americans derive not their origin from Adam and Noah, and believe, or feign to believe, that as God created Adam that he might be the father of the Asiatics, also made before or after him other men, that they might be the patriarchs of the Africans, Europeans, and Americans. This does not arraign the authority of the sacred writings, says a modern author, (a) because although Moses makes mention of no other first patriarch than Adam, it was owing to his having undertaken to write the history of no other people than the Israelites. But this is contrary to the tradition of the Americans, who in their paintings and in their hymns called themselves the descendants of those men who escaped from the general deluge. The Toltecas, Mexicans, Tlascalans, and all the other nations were agreed on this point. They all said that their ancestors came from elsewhere into those countries; they pointed out the road they had come, and even preserved the names, true or false, of those their first progenitors, who, after the confusion of languages, separated from the rest of men.

    F. Nunez de la Vega, bishop of Chiapa, says, in the preface of his Synodal Constitutions, that in the visit which he made to his dioceses towards the end of the last century, he found many ancient calendars of the Chiapanese, and an old manuscript in the language of that country, made by the Indians themselves, in which it was said, according

    __________
    (a) The author of a miserable little performance, entitled, Le Philosophe Doucsur, printed at Berlin, in the year 1775.


     


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    to their ancient tradition, that a certain person named Votan (b) was present at that great building, which was made by order of his uncle, in order to mount up to heaven; that then every people was given its language, and that Votan himself was charged by God to make the division of the lands of Anahuac. The prelate adds afterwards, that there was in his time in Teopixca, a great settlement of that diocese, a family of the surname of Votan, who were the reputed descendants of that ancient populator. We are not here endeavouring to give antiquity to the populator of America on the faith, of the Chiapanese, but merely to shew that the Americans conceived themselves the descendants of Noah.

    Of the ancient Indians of Cuba several historians of America relate, that when they were interrogated by the Spaniards concerning their origin, they answered, they had heard from their ancestors that God created the heavens, the earth, and all things; that an old man, having foreseen the deluge with which God designed to chastise the fins of men, built a large canoe, and embarked in it with his family, and many animals; that when the inundation ceased, he sent out a raven, which, because it found carrion to feed on, never returned to the canoe; that he then sent out a pigeon, which soon returned bearing a branch of Hoba, a certain fruit of America, in its mouth; that when the old man saw the earth was dry, he disembarked, and having made himself some wine of the wood-grape, he became intoxicated and fell asleep; that then one of his sons made ridicule of his nakedness, and that another son piously covered him; that, upon waking he blessed the latter, and cursed the

    __________
    (b) Votan is the chief of those twenty famous men whose names were given to the twenty days of the Chiapanese month.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      95


    former. Lastly, that they drew their origin from the cursed son, and therefore went almost naked; that the Spaniards, as they were well clothed, descended perhaps from the other.

    The Mexicans used to call Noah Coxcox, and Teocipactli; and the Michuacanese, Tezpi. They used to say, that there was once a great deluge, and that Tezpi, in order to save himself from being drowned, embarked in a ship formed like an ark, with his wife, his children, and many different animals, and several seeds of fruits; and that as the water abated, he sent out that bird which bears the name of aura, which remained eating dead bodies, and then sent out other birds, who did not return either, except that little bird (the flower-sucker) which was much prized by them on account of the variety of the colours of its feathers, that brought a small branch with it; and from this family they all believed they drew their origin. If therefore we refer to the sacred writings, or the traditions of those Americans, we must seek for the peoplers of America among the descendants of Noah.

    But who were they? Which of the sons of Noah was the root of the American nations? D. Siguenza, and the very ingenious Mexican Sister J. Agnes de la Cruz, believed or conjectured, that the Mexicans, and other nations of Anahuac, were the descendants of Naphtuhim, son of Mezraim, and nephew of Cham. Boturini was of opinion, that they descended not only from Naphtuhim, but likewise from his other five brothers. The learned Spaniard Arias Montano was persuaded that the Americans, and particularly the Peruvians, belonged to the posterity of Ophir, fourth son of Shem. The reasons


     


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    of this author are so weak that they do not merit mention. Of those of Siguenza we shall speak presently.

    The other authors, who have not been willing to carry their inquiries so far into antiquity, have fought for the origin of the Americans in different countries of the world. Their opinions are so numerous and different, it is not easy to recite them. Some think they find the ancestors of the Americans in Asia, others trace them in Africa, and others from Europe. Among those who imagine they have found them in Europe, some have supposed their ancestors the Grecians, others the Romans, others the Spaniards, others the Irish, others the Courlanders, and some the Ruffians. Among those who report them originally from Africa, some make them the descendants of the Egyptians, some of the Carthaginians, and some of the Numidians. But there is no where greater variety of sentiment than among those who believe the population of America due to Asia. The Israelites, the Canaanites, the Assyrians, the Phoenicians, the Persians, the Tartars, the east Indians, the Chinese, the Japanese, all have their advocates among the historians and philosophers of the two last centuries. Some, however, not content to look for the populators in the known countries of the world, draw the famous isle Atlantida out of the waters of the ocean, to send colonies from it to America. But this is not extraordinary; since there are authors who, in order to do wrong to no people, believe the Americans the descendants of all the nations of the world.

    So great a variety and extravagance of opinion is owing to a persuasion, that to make one nation be believed to have sprung from another, no more is necessary than to find some affinity in the words of their languages,


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      97


    and some similarity in their rites, customs, and manners. Such are the foundations of the above mentioned opinions, collected and illustrated with a great mew of erudition, by the Dominican Garcia, and those learned Spaniards who reprinted his work with additions: which those who please may consult, as we have no time to refute them.

    We cannot, however, dispense with the mention of the opinions of D. Siguenza, adopted also by the famous bishop F. P. Daniel Huet, as it appears to us to be the best founded. Siguenza was persuaded, that the nations which peopled the Mexican empire belonged to the Posterity of Naphtuhim, and that their ancestors, having left Egypt not long after the confusion of tongues, travelled towards America. The reasons on which he grounds this opinion are mentioned only in the Bibliotheca Mexicana. As we are deprived of his excellent manuscripts, we can only cite them, as Eguiara did, in the Bibliotheca above mentioned.

    Those reasons, from what appears, are first, the conformity of those American nations with the Egyptians in the construction of pyramidal edifices, and the use of hieroglyphics in the method of computing time, in their dress, and in some of their customs; and, lastly, the resemblance of the word Teotl of the Mexicans to the Theuth of the Egyptians, which occasioned bishop Huet to adopt the same sentiment with Siguenza. If this opinion is proposed as a conjecture, we shall not contradict it; but if it is offered as a truth on which we are to depend, the proofs do not appear sufficient.

    Siguenza conceived that the children of Naphtuhim set out from Egypt towards America not long after the confusion of tongues; it would therefore be necessary to


     


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    make the comparison of the customs of the Americans with those of the first Egyptians, not of their descendants who dwelt in Egypt many years after, and from whom the Americans are not believed to be descended. But who can imagine that the Egyptians, immediately after the dispersion of the people, began to build pyramids, and make use of hieroglyphics, and that from thenceforward they ordered and arranged their years and months in the form they had afterwards? All those things were certainly posterior to that epoch, nor was it necessary to have seen the pyramids of Egypt to make the Americans think of building such kind of edifices; for the mountains alone were sufficient to suggest them: whoever desires to build an edifice to immortalize his name, will easily think of making it in the form of a pyramid; because no other sort of building can be raised to the same height with so little expense and trouble, as the higher it riles the fewer materials in proportion are required. Besides, the Mexican edifices were entirely different from those of Egypt. The latter were truly pyramidal, the former not; they were composed of three, four, or five square or oblong bodies, of which the higher was less in amplitude than the lower; those of the Egyptians were in general hollow, those of the Mexicans solid; these served for the basis of their sanctuaries, those for the sepulchres of their kings. The temples of the Mexicans and other nations of Anahuac, were of a species so singular, that we do not know they were ever used by any other people of the world: on which account they ought to be considered as an original invention of the Toltecas or some other people more ancient than them.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      99


    In the mode of computing time, the Mexicans were much more similar to the Egyptians; that is, of the latter Egyptians, not of the former, of whose method we know nothing. The Egyptian solar year was composed of three hundred and sixty-five days, like that of the Mexicans: the one and the other contained three hundred and sixty-five days in their months, and as the Egyptians added five days to their last month Mesori, so did the Mexicans to their month Izcalli, in which particular they agreed with the Persians; but in other respects, there was a great difference between them; the Egyptian year consisted of twelve months and these of thirty days, the Mexican year consisted of eighteen months and these of twenty days. (c) The Egyptians, like many other nations of the old continent, counted by weeks; the Mexicans by periods of five days in their civil and thirteen days in their religious year.

    The Mexicans, like the Egyptians, employed hieroglyphics; but how many other nations have done the same to conceal the mysteries of their religions; and if the Mexicans learned hieroglyphics from the Egyptians, why had they not also the use of letters from them? Because letters, it may be said, were invented after their separation; but how is it known that before they separated they had made the invention of hieroglyphics?

    The dress of the first Egyptians may have probably been the same as that of the other sons and nephews of Noah; at least we have no reason to think otherwise. respecting the political customs of those first men we know nothing. The most ancient Egyptians, of whom we have any certain marks, were those who lived in the

    __________
    (c) We speak of the religious year of the Mexicans, for of their civil or astronomical year we have no account.


     


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    times of the patriarch Joseph. If we mean to make a comparison of their usages mentioned in the sacred books with those of the Mexicans, instead of any similarity, we shall find the strongest difference between them. lastly, we do not pretend to demonstrate the opinion of Siguenza to be false, but only to shew that it is not a truth upon which we can safely rely.

    The extravagant M. de P. says, that the Mexicans derive their origin from the southern Apalachites; but he neither does nor can offer any reason to make such a supposition probable; and, although it were true, the difficulty would remain still unresolved with regard to the origin of the Apalachites themselves. It is true, that author finds little difficulty, as he sometime's gives us to understand that he is not unfavourable to the romantic system of La Peyrere.

    With respect to the opinion we have ventured to form ourselves, we shall explain it in the following conclusions.

    I. The Americans descended from different nations, or from different families, dispersed after the confusion of tongues. No person will doubt of the truth of this, who has any knowledge of the multitude and great diversity of the American languages. In Mexico we have already found thirty-five: in South America there are still more known. In the beginning of the last century the Portuguese counted fifty in Maragnon. It is true, that there is a great affinity between some of those languages, which shews that they are sprung from the same parent, namely, the Eudeve, Opata, and Tanahumara, in North America, and the Mocobi, Toba, and Abipona in South America; but there are many others also, as different from each other as the Illyrian from the Hebrew. We can safely affirm, that there are no living


     


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    or dead languages which can differ more among each other than the languages of the Mexicans, Otomies, Tarascas, Mayas, and Miztecas, five languages prevailing in different provinces of Mexico. It would therefore be absurd to say, that languages so different were different dialects of one original. How is it possible a nation should alter its primitive language to such a degree, or multiply its dialects so variously, that there should not be, even after many centuries, if not some 'words common to all, at least an affinity between them, or some traces left of their origin?

    Who can ever believe what we read in the history of Acosta? That the Aztecas, or Mexicans, having arrived after their long peregrination in the kingdom of Michuacan, were allured by the agreeableness of the country, and became desirous of establishing themselves in it; but as the whole nation could not settle there, their god Huitzilopochtli consented that some of them might stay, and suggested to the others, when those who were to remain went to bathe in the lake of Pazcuaro, to steal their clothes from them and pursue their journey; that those who bathed finding themselves robbed of their garments and fooled by their companions, were so provoked, that they not only resolved to remain there, but to adopt a new language; and that thence arose the Tarasca language. The account adopted by Gomara, and other historians, is still more incredible: that, of an old man called Iztac Mixcoatl and his wife Itancueitl were born six children, each with a different language, called Xolhua, Tenoch, Olmecatl, Xicallancatl, Mixtecatl, and Otomitl, who were the sounders of as many nations, which peopled the country of Anahuac. This allegory by which the Mexicans signified that all those nations


     


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    drew their origin from one common stock, was made a fable of by the above mentioned authors, from ignorance of its meaning.

    II. The Americans do not derive their origin from any people now existing in the ancient world, or at least there are no grounds to affirm it. This inference is founded on the same argument with the preceding, since if the Americans descended of any of those people, it would be possible to trace their origin by some marks in their languages in spite of the antiquity of their separation: but any such traces have not been discovered hitherto, although many authors have searched with the utmost attention, as appears from the work of the Dominican Garcia. We have leisurely compared the Mexican and other American languages with many others which are now living, and with those which are dead, but have not been able to discover the least affinity between any of them. The resemblance between the Teotl of the Mexicans and the Theos of the Greeks, has induced us sometimes to compare those two languages, but we have never found any "agreement between them. This argument is strong in respect to the Americans, as they shew great firmness and constancy in retaining their languages. The Mexicans preserve their language among the Spaniards, and the Otomies retain their difficult dialect_ among Spaniards and Mexicans, after two centuries and a half of communication with both.

    If the Americans descended from different families dispersed after the confusion of tongues, as we believe, and have been separated since then from those others who peopled the countries of the old continent, authors will labour in vain, to seek in the language or customs of the Asiatics for the origin of the people of the new world.


     

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    SECT. III.

    From what part and how the inhabitants and animals passed to America.

    This is the second and most difficult point in the problem of the population of America, on which, as on others, authors are various in opinion. Some of them attribute the population of the new world to certain Phoenician merchants, who, in traversing the ocean, landed there by accident. Others imagine that the same people, whom they suppose to have passed from the old continent to the isle Atlantida, from thence got easily to Florida, and from that great country gradually scattered themselves over America. Others believe that they passed there from Asia, by the Straits of Anian; and others, that they were transported there from the northern regions of Europe, over some arm of the frozen sea.

    Feijoo, a Spanish Benedictine, thought a few years ago to propose to the world a new system; and what is this new system? That America was united in the north to the old continent, by which both men and animals passed there. But this opinion is as ancient as Acosta, who, one hundred and forty-four years before Feijoo, published it in his History of America: besides, it is not sufficient to solve all the difficulties respecting the passage of animals, at we shall see hereafter.

    The count de Buffon, notwithstanding his great genius and pointed accuracy, contradicts himself openly in this point. He supposes the two continents united by oriental Tartary, and affirms that by it the first inhabitants


     


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    passed to America, and also all those animals which have been found common to both continents; such as buffalos, called in Mexico cibolos, wolves, foxes, martins, deer, and other quadrupeds, which agree with cold climes; but that there could not be in America either lions, tygers, camels, elephants, or any of those eighteen species of apes which are found in the old continent; and, in short, no quadruped peculiar to hot climes could be common to both continents, because they were not able to resist the cold of northern countries, by which they must pass from one to the other world. This he repeats incessantly through all his natural history, and on this account he denies antelopes, goats, and rabbits to America. He thinks those quadrupeds American only which live in the hot countries of the new world, among which he numbers thirteen or fourteen species of American apes, divided by him into the two classes of Sapayus and Sagoini; of those, he adds, there were none in the old continent, as there were none of the eighteen species of the old continent in the new world. What then was the origin of those and other quadrupeds really American? This doubt, which occurs frequently in the natural history of that great philosopher, remains undecided until the last volume but one of the history of quadrupeds, in which he says, (d) "As it cannot be doubted that all animals in general were created in the old continent, we must admit them to have passed from it to the new; and must suppose also, that those animals, the deer, wild-goat, and mouffettes, instead of having degenerated like others in the new world, have on the contrary arrived at perfection there, and from the suitableness

    __________
    (d) Hist. Nat. Torn. xxix. Discourse on the Degeneration of Animals.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                     105


    "of the clime excelled their own nature. There having been so many animals found in the new world, which have no likeness to any of the old world, shews sufficiently clear, that the origin of those animals which are proper to the new world ought not to be ascribed to simple degeneration. However great and powerful we may suppose its effects, we cannot reasonably be persuaded that these animals have been originally the same as those of the old continent; and unquestionably it is more consistent with reason to believe, that the two continents were formerly contiguous and united, and that those species which retired into the regions of the new world, because they found its climate and productions more agreeable to their nature, were there shut up and separated from the others, by the irruptions of the sea which divided Africa from America,” (e) &c. &c. From this discourse of count de Buffon we conclude, 1. That there is no animal properly American; because all of them went from the old continent, where they were created. 2. That the argument founded on the nature of the animals repugnant to cold, is of no weight to shew that the animals could not pass to the old continent; because those animals which could not pass by the northern countries from their nature, could pass by that part

    __________
    (e) We request our readers to compare what the count de Buffon says concerning the ancient union of Africa and America, with that which he writes in the eighteenth volume, where he speaks of the lion. "The American lion," he says, "cannot be descended from the lion of the old continent, because the latter only inhabits between the tropics; and nature having, it appears, shut up all the passages by the north, it could not pass from the southern parts of Asia and Africa into America, as these two continents are separated by immense seas; on which account we ought to infer, that the American lion is an animal proper and peculiar to the new world."


     


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    where America and Africa were formerly united, as that author believes. 3. That by the way in which the Sapayus and Sagoini parted to the new world, in like manner could elephants, camels, lions, tygers, &c.

    Omitting many other opinions unworthy of mention, we shall submit our own; not with a view to establish any new system, but to offer materials for other abler pens, and to illustrate some points of our history.

    I. The men and animals of America passed there from the old continent. This is confirmed by the sacred writings. Moses, who declares Noah the common flock of all men after the deluge, says expressly, that in that general inundation of the earth all its quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles, perished, except a few individuals which were saved in the ark, to generate their species. The repeated expressions which the sacred historian uses to signify its universality, do not permit us to doubt, that all quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles, which are in the world, descended from those few individuals which were saved from the general inundation.

    II. The first peoplers of America might pass there in vessels by sea, or travel by land, or by ice. 1. They might either pass there in vessels designedly, if the arm of the sea which separated the one continent from the other was small; or be accidentally carried upon it by winds. There is not a doubt that the first peoplers of the new world might arrive there in the same manner in which, many centuries after, the pilot or mariner did to whom, in the opinion of many authors, Columbus owed the first hints which incited him to his glorious and memorable discovery. (f) 2. They might pass there by

    __________
    (f) Some authors affirm, that the mariner who gave intelligence to Columbus of the new countries in the west, was a native of Andalusia; some say he


     


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    land on the supposition of the union of the two continents. 3. They might also make that passage over the ice of some frozen arm of the sea. No person is ignorant how vast and durable the frozen parts of the northern seas are: it would not therefore be wonderful, that a strait of the sea between the two continents should have been frozen for some months, and that men had patted over it, either in search of new countries or in pursuit of wild beasts. We are, however, only mentioning what could have happened, not what positively did happen.

    III. The ancestors of the nations which peopled the country of Anahuac, of which alone we are treating, might pass from the northern countries of Europe into the northern parts of America, or rather from the most eastern parts of Asia to the most westerly part of America. This conclusion is founded on the constant and general tradition of those nations, which unanimously say that their ancestors came into Anahuac from the countries of the north and north-west. This tradition is confirmed by the remains of many ancient edifices built by those people in their migrations, which we have already mentioned, and the common belief of the people in the north. Besides, from Torquemada and Betancourt we have a clear proof of it. In a journey made by the Spaniards, in the year 1606, from New Mexico unto the river which they call Tizon, six hundred miles from that province, towards the north-west, they found there some large edifices and met with some Indians who spoke the Mexican language, from whom they were told, that

    __________
    was of Biscay, and others that he was a Portuguese; others deny the fact entirely. However the case was, it is certain that history records many instances of vessels having been driven by winds and carried many degrees out of their course.


     


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    a few days journey from that river towards the north was the kingdom of Tollan, and many other peopled places, from whence came those who peopled the Mexican empire; and that by the same peoplers these and other like buildings had been erected. In fact, the whole people of Anahuac have usually affirmed, that towards the north-west and the north, there were the kingdoms and provinces of Tollan, Teocolhuacan, Amaquemecan, Aztlan, Tehuajo, and Copalla, names which are all Mexican, and the discovery of which, if the population of the Spaniards should spread into those parts, will throw great light on the ancient history of Mexico. Boturini says, that in the ancient paintings of the Toltecas, was represented the migration of their ancestors through Asia and the northern countries of America, until they established themselves in the country of Tollan, and even endeavours to ascertain in his General history the route they pursued in their travel; but as he had not opportunity to compose the history which he designed, we can say no more of this matter.

    those countries in which the ancestors of those nations established themselves, being situated towards that part where the most westerly coast of America approaches to the most easterly part of Asia, it is probable that by that part they passed from the one to the other continent; either in vessels, if the strait of the sea then divided them which is there at present, according to the discoveries of the Ruffians, or by land, if the continents were united, as we shall presently find. The traces which those nations left of themselves from time to time, lead us to that very strait which is undoubtedly the same which was discovered by the navigators of the sixteenth


     


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    century, and called by them the Straits of Anian. (g)

    With respect to the other nations of America, as there is no tradition among them concerning the way by which their ancestors came to the new world, we can say nothing of them. It is possible, that they all passed by the same way in which the ancestors of the Mexicans passed; and yet perhaps they may have passed by some other very different route. We conjecture, that the ancestors of the nations which peopled South America went there by the way in which the animals proper to hot countries passed, and that the ancestors of those nations inhabiting all the countries which lie between Florida and the most northern part of America, passed there from the north of Europe. The difference of character which is discoverable in the three above mentioned classes of Americans, and the situation of the countries which they occupied, make us suspect that they had different origins, and that their ancestors came there by different routes; but still this is a mere suspicion and conjecture.

    Some authors assign another part for the passage of the first peoplers, which is the island Atlantida; the existence of which, contradicted by Acosta, was maintained by Siguenza, by what appears from the account of Gemelli, and lately supported with great shew of erudition by the celebrated author of the American Letters. If there were not so many fables mixed with the account of that island which Plato gives in Timeus, the authority of so grave a philosopher might induce us to

    __________
    (g) In the charts of America published in the last century, the strait of Anian was usually described, though with much difference in the representation of it. For some years past it has been omitted, from an opinion that the account of it was fabulous; but since the discovery of the Ruffians some geographers have begun again to give it a place.


     


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    assent to his opinion. We shall therefore, omit this contest, and come to the most difficult point of our problem.

    IV. The quadrupeds and reptiles of the new world passed there by land. This fact will be made most manifest, by demonstrating the improbability and inconsistency of other opinions. The great doctor of the church Augustin, was of opinion, that the wild beasts and destructive animals which are in the islands might have been transported there by the angels. But this solution, although it cuts off every difficulty in the passage of wild beasts to the new world, would not be acceptable in the century in which we live.

    The same doctor suggests three other solutions to the difficulty: the wild beasts, he says, might pass by swimming to the isles; they might be transported there by men for the sake of hunting; and they might also have been formed there by nature as they were in the beginning. But none of these solutions are sufficient to remove the difficulties which are in the way of the passage of the wild beasts to the new world; for as to the first, it is certain that whatever strait there was between the two continents, it is quite ridiculous to think that animals which are not destined to go into the water, or accustomed to swimming, would attempt such a passage: it is true, that some might have passed by swimming, as the bears go from Corsica to France; but who would believe this of so many American apes, that are totally unfitted for swimming; or the Perico ligero, or sloth, which is so flow and difficult to move? Besides, what could induce so many wild animals to abandon the land and encounter the dangers of the sea?


     


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    It is not less incredible, that those animals were transported there by men in ships, especially if we suppose their arrival on the coasts of America to have been accidental and fortuitous. If such voyage was undertaken from design, they might have carried some squirrels and curious apes with them for amusement, some rabbits, hares and techichis, that, after multiplying, they might serve for food, and some deer, martins, and even tygers, for their skins to clothe them; but to what purpose carry wolves, foxes, American lions, &c. which, instead of being of any use, might prove destructive to them? For the chafe? But might they not have enjoyed this recreation without any injury from animals less ferocious? And if, lastly, we suppose those first peoplers so foolish as to carry such pernicious animals to new countries to hunt them, we cannot still think them to have been so mad as to take also so many species of serpents, for the pleasure of killing them afterwards.

    With respect to the third solution, that God had created the animals in America, as he had created them in Asia, that would unquestionably cut off every difficulty, were it not contradictory to sacred history.

    There remains another solution of the passage of beasts, which is the same that we mentioned in treating of men. It may be imagined, that beasts might pass over some frozen strait of the sea; but can any person persuade himself, that several species of voracious animals should transport themselves to those regions destitute of every thing which could serve for their food; and that others, whose natures were repugnant to cold, should dare to venture, in the rigor of winter, over regions of ice?


     


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    As it is not probable that the beasts of the new world passed to it by swimming, or over ice, nor that they were transported either by men or by angels, nor created afresh by God, we ought to believe that the quadrupeds, as well as the reptiles which are found in America, passed to it by land, and of course that the two continents were formerly united. This is the opinion of Acosta, Grotius, Buffon, and other great men. We are far from adopting the system of count de Buffon in its full extent: he cannot persuade us, however eloquent his philosophy and great his learning, that that which is now land has once been the bed of the sea; or, that the old continent has been subject: to a general inundation distinct from that of Noah, and more lasting than it. In the series of forty centuries and upwards, comprehended in the history of the sacred writings, there is no chafm or void by which we could account for this supposed inundation. In our third Dissertation we shall shew there are no grounds to believe that the new continent has suffered any inundation different from that of Noah.

    There is not a doubt, however, that our planet has been subject to great vicissitudes since the deluge; ancient and modern histories confirm the truth which Ovid has sung in the name of Pythagoras: -—

    Vidi ego quod fuerat quondam solldissima tellus,
    Esse fretum; vidi factas ex aequore terras.

    At present they plough those lands over which ships formerly sailed, and now they sail over lands which were formerly ploughed: earthquakes have swallowed some lands, and subterraneous fires have thrown up others: the rivers have formed new soil with their mud: the sea


     


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    retreating from the shores, has lengthened the land in some places; and advancing in others, has diminished it: it has separated some territories which were formerly united, and formed new straits and gulfs. We have examples of all these revolutions in the past century. Sicily was united to the continent of Naples, as Eubea, now the Black Sea, to Boeotia. Diodorus, Strabo, and other ancient authors, say the same thing of Spain and Africa, and affirm that by a violent irruption of the ocean upon the land between the mountains Abyla and Calpe, that communication was broken, and the Mediterranean sea was formed. Among the people of Ceylon there is a tradition, that a similar irruption of the sea separated their island from the peninsula of India. The same thing is believed by those of Malabar, with respect to the isles of Malvidia, and by the Malayans with respect to Sumatra. It is certain, says the count de Buffon, that in Ceylon the earth has lost thirty or forty leagues, which the sea has taken from it; on the contrary, Tongres, a place of the Low Countries, has gained thirty leagues of land from the sea. The northern part of Egypt owes its existence to inundations of the Nile. (h) The earth which this river has brought from the inland countries of Africa, and deposited in its inundations, has formed a soil of more than twenty-five cubits of depth. In

    __________
    (h) Faro or Farion, an island of Egypt, which, according to what Homer mentions in his Odyssey, was distant one day and one night's fail from the northern land of Egypt, was so near to it in the times of the celebrated Cleopatra, that it was hardly seven furlongs off: for so much was the length of the bridge which that queen ordered to be made for the Rhodians, in order to facilitate the communication between that island and the continent. Herodotus, Aristotle, Seneca, Pliny, and other ancient authors, make mention of this remarkable augmentation of the territory of Egypt.


     


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    like manner, adds the above author, the province of the Yellow River in China, and that of Louisiana, have only been formed of the mud of rivers. Pliny, Seneca, Diodorus, and Strabo, report innumerable examples of similar revolutions, which we omit, that our dissertation may not become too prolix; as also many modern revolutions, which are related in the theory of the earth of the count de Buffon and other authors. In our America, all those who have observed with philosophic eyes the peninsula of Yucatan, do not doubt that that country has once been. The bed of the sea; and on the contrary, in the channel of Bahama many indications shew the island of Cuba to have been once united to the continent of Florida. la the strait which separates America from Alia many islands are found, which probably were the mountains belonging to that tract of land which we suppose to have been swallowed up by earthquakes; which is made more probable by the multitude of volcanos which we know of in the peninsula of Kamtschatka. We imagine, however, that the shaking of that land, and the separation of the two continents, has been occasioned by those great and extraordinary earthquakes mentioned in the histories of the Americans, which formed an era almost as memorable as that of the deluge. The histories of the Toltecas six such earthquakes in the year I Tecpatl; but, as we know not to what century that belonged, we can form no conjecture of the time that great calamity happened. If a great earthquake should overwhelm the isthmus of Suez, and there should be at the same time as great a scarcity of historians as there were in the first ages after the deluge, it would be doubted in three or four hundred years after, whether Asia had ever been united by that part to Africa, and many would firmly deny it.


     


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    V. The quadrupeds and reptiles of America passed by different places from the one continent to the other. Amongst the American beasts, there are some whose natures are averse to cold; such as apes, dantes, crocodiles, &c. There are others, whose dispositions lead them to cold countries, as martens, rein-deer, and gluttons. The former could not go to America by the frigid zone, because in that case they would be acting violently against their genius, and would not survive the passage.

    The apes which are in New Spain passed there certainly by South America. (i) The centre of their population is the country under the equator, and between it and the fourteenth or fifteenth degree of latitude; in proportion to the distance from the equator their numbers decrease, and beyond the tropics there are none to be found, except in some districts which from some particularity of situation are as hot as the equinoctial lands. Who, therefore, can imagine that such species of animals should have travelled to the new world through the rigid climate of the north? It may be said, that it is not improbable that they were transported by men, as they were valued for their extravagant resemblance and ridiculous imitations of men. But besides that, the argument which this forms in regard to apes, may be adduced with respect to many other quadrupeds which have no value to make them be coveted, but rather many bad qualities to make them be avoided; it is not to be believed, that men would have conducted with them

    __________
    (i) Don Ferdinand d'Alba Ixtlilxochitl, an Indian well informed in the antiquities of his nation, says in his universal history of New Spain, that there were no apes in the country of Anahuac; that the first which appeared there came from the quarter of the South, after the period of the great winds. The Tlascalans make a fable of this event, and say, that the world was destroyed once by wind, and that the few men who survived were transformed into apes.


     


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    so many species of apes as there are in America; and far less some, which instead of being agreeable, are on the contrary of a brutal aspect and ferocious disposition, namely, those called zambos; and, provided men had been determined to have taken two individuals at least of every species, they could never arrive either by the seas or the countries of the north, although their conductors had endeavoured to defend them from the cold. They must, therefore, have transported them from the hot countries of the old continent to the warm countries of the new world, over a sea subject to a clime not dissimilar to that of the native country of those quadrupeds, that is by the countries of the south of Asia to the south of America, over the Indian and Pacific Oceans, or from the western countries of Africa to the eastern countries of America, over the Atlantic Ocean. If men, therefore, transported those beasts from the one to the other world, they did it across those seas. But was this navigation casual or designed? If casual, how and wherefore did they conduct so many animals with them? If it was designed, and with a determined purpose to pass from the one to the other world, who gave them intelligence of it? Who shewed them the situation of those countries? Who pointed out their course? How did they venture to cross such vast seas without the compass? In what vessels? If they landed there happily, why does there not remain among the Mexicans some memory of their construction?

    Besides, in the torrid zone of the new world crocodiles are common, animals which require a hot or temperate clime, and live alternately on land or in sweet water; how did such animals pass there? Not by the north, certainly; because their nature is strongly averse to cold:


     


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    neither were they transported by men, we may safely say; as little can we think, by swimming two thousand miles through the salt waters of the Ocean.

    There remains no other solution, but that of admitting an ancient union between the equinoctial countries of America and those of Africa, and the continuation of the northern countries of America with those of Europe or Asia; the latter for the passage of beasts of cold climes, the former for the passage of quadrupeds and reptiles peculiar to hot climes. For the reasons we have already submitted, we are persuaded, that there was formerly a great tract of land which united the now most eastern part of Brazil to the most western part of Africa; and that all that space of land may have been sunk by some violent earthquakes, leaving only some traces of it in the isles of Cape de Verd, Fernando de Norona, ascension, St. Matthew, and others; and many sand-banks discovered by different navigators, and in particular by de Bauche, who sounded that sea with great care and exactness. (k) Those islands and sand-banks may probably have been the highest parts of that sunken continent. In like manner we believe that the most westerly part of America was formerly united by means of a smaller continent to the most easterly part of Tartary, and perhaps America was united also by Greenland with other northern countries of Europe.

    Upon the whole, from all we have said, we cannot but believe that the quadrupeds and the reptiles of the new world passed there by land, and by different parts,

    __________
    (k) M. de Bauche, in the year 1737, presented to the Royal Academy of Sciences of Paris the hydrographical charts of that sea, made according to his observation, which were examined and approved of by the Academy. The celebrated author of the American Letters has inserted a draft of those charts in the second volume of his work.


     


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    to that continent. All other systems are subject to heavy difficulties; even this is not without some, but they are not altogether insurmountable. The greatest consists in the apparent improbability of an earthquake so great as to fink a space of land of more than one thousand five hundred miles, which, according to our supposition, was that which united Africa to America, and sunk it so much as to the depth observed in some of the places of that sea. But we do not ascribe that stupendous revolution to one single shock, as there are in the bowels of the earth such extensive masses of combustible matter, the inflammation of one could easily communicate to others, (in the same manner as Gaffendus explains the propagation of lightning) and the violent concussion of the air, contained within those natural mines, could at once shake, agitate, and overwhelm a space of land of two or three thousand miles. This is not impossible, nor improbable, nor is history unfurnished with examples of it. The earthquake which was felt in Canada, in the year 1663, overwhelmed a chain of mountains of freestone more than three hundred miles long, the whole of that immense tract remaining changed into a plain. How great then must the convulsion have been which was occasioned by those extraordinary and memorable earthquakes, mentioned in the histories of America, when the world was thought to have been coming to an end!

    It may be objected to our system, that if beasts passed by land from the one continent to the other, it is not easy to divine the cause why some species pasted there without leaving a single individual in the old continent; and, on the contrary, that some entire species should remain in the old continent, and not a single individual of them pass to America. Why, for example,


     


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    did the fourteen species of apes, which are now in America, pass there, and not the eighteen species which count Buffon enumerates in Asia and Africa, although they are all of one clime, and were equally at liberty and freedom to pass? How came the sloths to pass, which are so sluggish, and not the antelopes which are so swift? If the beasts proceeded from Armenia towards America, the species destined for America must necessarily have performed a journey of six thousand miles, spreading from Armenia through Mesopotamia and Syria to Egypt, from thence through the centre of Africa to the supposed space of land which formerly united the two continents, and from that, lastly, to Brazil; and although to other beasts there appears no difficulty of their having made that progress in ten, twenty, or forty years, nevertheless with respect to the sloths, it is not to be comprehended how they could, even in constant motion, execute this in less than six centuries. If we give credit to the count de Buffon, the sloths cannot advance more than a perch in an hour, or six Parisian feet, wherefore, to make a progress of six thousand miles, they would require about six hundred and eighty years and more, if we believe what Maffei, Herrera, and Pison have written, who affirm, that that miserable quadruped can hardly go the length of a stone-throw in fifteen days or a fortnight.

    This is what may be objected to our system, but some of the above mentioned arguments are more forcible against all the other opinions, except the one which employs the angels in the transportation of beasts. If they were men who transported beasts, why, instead of wolves and foxes, did they not carry horses, oxen, sheep, and goats? And why did they not leave a species of each individual in the old continent? If such animals are


     


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    supposed to have passed by swimming, then the difficulty of the sea passage to land animals comes in the way. If all the animals are supposed to have passed, even those of South America by the north, then, instead of making a journey of six thousand miles, they must have made one of more than fifteen thousand, for which length of way their sloth would have had occasion for more than one thousand seven hundred and forty years.

    We answer then to the above objections, 1. That as all the quadrupeds of the earth are not yet known, we cannot say how many are in the one or in the other continent. The count de Buffon numbers only two hundred species of quadrupeds. Bomare, who wrote a little after that author, makes them two hundred and sixty-five: but to say how many more there may be, until we have examined the inland regions of Africa, of a great part of Tartary, the country of the Amazons, North Louisiana, the countries beyond the river Colorado, the country of the Apaches, the Salamon isles, New Holland, &c. which countries make a considerable part of our globe. It is not wonderful that the animals of these unknown countries are still strangers to us, when those of countries which have been known, and inhabited for these two hundred and sixty years by the Europeans, are yet unnoticed by zoologists. The count de Buffon, although he is the most informed on this subject, omits some quadrupeds of Mexico, places many out of their native country, and confounds others together, as we shall shew in our Dissertation on animals. But with respect to the animals which are certainly not original in America, such as camels, elephants, and horses, several reasons may be assigned for this want. Possibly those animals did pass to the new world, but were destroyed by other wild beads, or extirpated by


     


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    some distemper. Perhaps they never did pass there. Some, such as elephants and rhinoceroses, the multiplication of which is flow, stopped in the southern parts of Asia and Africa, because they found a climate agreeable and suitable to their natures, and had not occasion therefore to go further for pastures or food. It is true, that many authors are persuaded that the great bones dug up near the river Ohio, and other places of America, have belonged to elephants, which would argue their ancient existence in that continent; but as modern zoologists are not agreed with respect to the species of quadruped to which such bones may have belonged, no argument from them can be deduced against us. (l) lastly, other beasts did not pass to the new world, perhaps because men detained them. But however the matter may be, the passage of some beasts and not of others proves nothing against our system.

    With respect to the calculation above mentioned, of what time the sloth would require to move from America to Brazil, it raises no inconvenience; for if it had occasion for more than a thousand years, on the supposition we made of the union of the two continents continuing all that time, it might arrive there at last. The count de Buffon declares, that authors have exaggerated the slowness of the sloth; and Mr. Aubenton acknowledges, that it was not so flow as the turtle. Besides, it being a harmless animal, it may have been transported by men.

    __________
    (l) Muller said, that those bones belonged to certain large quadrupeds, which he called Mammouts [sic – Mammoths]. The count de Buffon, trusting too much to him, computed that those quadrupeds were seven times larger than elephants. Some have believed that those bones belonged to the sea-horses, some to other sea-animals; and, lastly, some have thought they belonged to some unknown quadrupeds that are now extinct: but they may, from what appears, have belonged to giants of the human at well as of any other race.


     

    [ 122 ]


    DISSERTATION II.

    On the Principal Epochs of the History of Mexico.

    The different opinions of authors concerning the chronology of the history of Mexico, oblige us to examine with attention the epochs of the principal events. If we had done this in the body of our history, it would have interrupted the narration with unseasonable disputes. The variety of sentiments among writers on this head, arises from their not having adjusted the Mexican years with ours. We have laboured with great diligence to investigate the truth, and we think we have in great part succeeded, as we shall endeavour to shew in the present dissertation, which will, however, prove little interesting to those who have no taste for, or curiosity in, points of chronology.
     



    SECT. I.

    On the Epoch of the Arrival of the Toltecas, and other Nations
    in the Country of Anahuac.

    We do not treat now of the first peoplers, but only of those nations who make a conspicuous figure in our history. Authors in the first place disagree about the order of the arrival of such nations; as the Chechemecas for example, who, according to Acosta, Gomara, and Siguenza, were the first to arrive in that country, and, according to Torquemada, the third, were the fourth, if we believe Boturini. Nor are they less discordant about the arrival of every other nation.


     


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    None of them doubt that the Toltecan nation was very ancient. It appears from the histories of the Chechemecas, that they did not arrive in Anahuac until after the ruin of the Toltecas, whose buildings they met with in their travels, and remains of whom they found on the banks of the Mexican lakes, and other places. In this point Torquemada, Betancourt, and Boturini are agreed. Acosta and Gomara make no mention of the Toltecas, because perhaps those authors whom they consulted omitted to speak of them, as their knowledge of them was but little and obscure.

    With respect to the time of their arrival in Anahuac, Torquemada says, in book III. of his history, that it happened in the year 700 of the vulgar era; but from what he writes in book I. it appears to have happened in 648. Boturini makes them one century more ancient, as he believed that in 660 Ixtlalcuechahuac, the second king of that nation, was reigning in Tula. From their pictures we know, that they left Huehuetlapallan in the year I Tecpatl; that, after having travelled one hundred and four years, they settled in Tollantzinco, and then in Tula; and that their monarchy commencing in the year VII Acatl lasted three hundred and eighty-four years. After comparing these epochs of the Toltecas with those of the Chechemecas, their successors, we are persuaded that the departure of the former from Huehuetlapallan happened in 544, and that their monarchy began in the year 667. Whoever will trace back towards that time, the series of Mexican years contracted with Christian years, set forth at the end of our first volume, will find the year 544 of the vulgar era to have been I Tecpatl, and the year 667 to have in like manner been VII Acatl. There is no reason to anticipate these epochs, nor can they be postponed without confounding


     


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    those of other later nations. That monarchy having begun then in 667, and lasted three hundred and eighty-four years, the end of it, and ruin of the Toltecas, ought to be fixed in the year 1051.

    Between the ruin of the Toltecas and the arrival of the Chechemecas, Torquemada allows but nine years; this interval is too small, because the Chechemecas found, as the same author says, the edifices of the Toltecas in ruins; and it is improbable that they would have gone to ruin in only nine years. Besides, we cannot six the beginning of the Chechemecan monarchy in that century, without increasing the number of their kings, or prolonging their lives immoderately, as Torquemada has done. Who can believe that Xolotl reigned a hundred and thirteen years, and lived two hundred? That Nopaltzin his son lived one hundred and seventy; that Techotlala, his great great grandson ftiould reign one hundred and four; and Tezozomoc, his descendant, should reign in Azcapozalco one hundred and sixty, or one hundred and eighty years? It is true, that a man of robust constitution, assisted by sobriety of life, and so mild a clime as that of Mexico, might arrive at so advanced an age; and in that country there are not a very few examples of men who have prolonged their life beyond the regular time prescribed to mortals. Calmecahua, one of the Tlascalan captains who assisted the Spaniards in the conquest of Mexico, lived one hundred and thirty years. Pedro Nieto, a Jesuit, died in the year 1536, at the age of one hundred and thirty-two years. Diego Ordonez, a Franciscan, died in Sombrerete aged one hundred and seventeen, (m) making

    __________
    (m) Diego Ordonez lived in religion one hundred and four years, and in the priesthood almost ninety-five. In his last preaching be took leave of the people


     


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    preachings to the people until the last month of his life. We could make a long catalogue of those who in the two centuries past have exceeded one hundred years of life in these countries. Particularly among the Indians there are not a few who reach ninety and one hundred years, preserving to old age their hair black, their teeth firm, and their countenance fresh; but as there have been so very few who since the twenty-third century of the world have prolonged their lives to one hundred and fifty years, that they are regarded as prodigies, we cannot assent to the extravagant chronology of Torquemada, supported only perhaps on the evidence of some painting or history of the Tezcucans, and particularly as that author himself confesses that that nation kept no account of years. We believe, however, without hesitation, that the arrival of the Chechemecas in Anahuac happened in the twelfth century, and probably towards the year 1170.

    Eight years had scarcely elapsed after Xolotl, the first Chechemecan king, was established in Tenajuca, when new people arrived there, conducted, as we have already said, by six chiefs. We do not doubt that these new people were the six tribes of the Xochimilcas, Tepanecas, Colhuas, Chalchese, Tlahuicas, and Tlascalans, separated from the Mexicans in Chicomoztoc, and arrived in the vale of Mexico not all at once, but in the order and distance of time we have mentioned. It is certain that when the Acolhuas arrived a few years after, they found the city of Azcapozalco already founded by the Tepanecas, and Colhuacan by the Colhuas. It is known besides,

    __________
    of Sombrerete with those words of St. Paul: "Bonum cerumen certavi, cursum consummavi, &c,"


     


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    that these tribes came to that country after the Chechemecas, as their arrival happened in that interval between the arrival of the Chechemecas and that of the Acolhuas.

    There is no memory of any other people who came into Anahuac about that time, except those tribes conducted by the above mentioned chiefs. Acosta makes these tribes almost three centuries more ancient, as he says they arrived on the banks of the Mexican lake in the year 902, after a peregrination of eighty years; but this chronology does not accord well with history, from which it appears that when Xolotl arrived at the vale of Mexico with his colony of Chechemecas, he found the banks of that lake depopulated, and the arrival of this colony could not happen before the middle of the twelfth century, according to what we have said.

    The year of the arrival of the Acolhuas is not known; but we do not doubt that it has been towards the end of the twelfth century, because they came a few years after the arrival of those six tribes; and besides, it is evident from history itself, that Xolotl survived their arrival some years.

    The last nation, or tribe, which arrived at Anahuac was that of the Mexicans. Among so many historians consulted by us, we have not found one of a contrary opinion except Betancourt, who makes the Otomies come after them.

    Acosta fixes the arrival of the Mexicans on the banks of the Mexican lake in the year 1208, because he affirms that they arrived there three hundred and six years after the Xochimilcas, and other tribes of the Nahuatlacas, who he believes arrived in 902. Torquemada, according to the calculation made by Betancourt


     


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    founded on his account, dates the arrival of the Mexicans in Chapoltepec in the year 1269. An anonymous Mexican history cited by Cav. Boturini, fixes the arrival of that tribe in Tula in the year 1196, and upon that epoch it appears that several Indian historians are agreed. Besides, this chronology agrees perfectly with all the other epochs; on which account we have adopted it as the most probable, and almost certain. On this supposition it is necessary to say, that the Mexicans arrived at Tzompanco in the year 1216, and at Chapoltepec in 1245; because it is known that they stayed at Tepexic in Tula nine years, and in other places, before they arrived at Tzompanco, eleven years. In Tzompanco they sojourned seven years, and in other places, before they arrived at Chapoltepec, twenty-two years. After having been eighteen years in Chapoltepec, they passed to Acolco, in 1262, where they remained fifty-two years, and from thence they were conducted slaves to Colhuacan in 1314.

    With respect to the Otomies there is a great difference of opinion among authors: some confound them with the Chechemecas, namely Acosta, Gomara, and the greater part of the Spanish authors. Torquemada, in book I. distinguishes them expressly, but in other places he confounds them together. Betancourt, after having copied the relation of Torquemada, in every thing relative to the Toltecas, the Chechemecas, and other nations, speaking of the reign of Chimalpopoca, third king of Mexico, says, that in his time the Otomies arrived in Anahuac, and established themselves principally in Xaltocan. This anecdote from Betancourt is deserving of notice; for he undoubtedly took it from the writings of Siguenza, although he does not usually depart from Torquemada,


     


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    unless it is to follow that learned Mexican; but he errs in chronology when he fixes the arrival of the Otomies in the year VI Tecpatl, which he believes to have been the year 1381. He is certainly deceived, for as it appears from the chronological table put at the end of our first volume, the year 1381 was not VI Tecpatl, but VI Calli; neither was Chimalpopoca reigning at that time, but Acamapitzin, as we shall shortly shew. If the arrival of the Otomies in the Mexican vale (not in the country of Anahuac, where they were settled many years before) happened in the year VI Tecpatl, and under the reign of Chimalpopoca, that must certainly have been in the year 1420. There being no mention of the Otomies before this epoch, and they having been found less civilized than other nations, scattered about in several provinces, and in places surrounded by other nations of different languages, inclines us to believe, that they began to live in society under the dominion of the Tepanecas exactly at that time, and afterwards under that of the Mexicans and Tlascalans. We are persuaded that on account of having found the land occupied by other nations, they could not, like the others, establish themselves all in one country, although the greater part of that nation peopled that part of land which is to the north-west, and north of the capital, where at first they lived scattered about like the wild beasts.

    The cause of the Otomies having been confounded with the Chechemecas by many historians, may be gathered from the same history. At the time the ancient Chechemecas were rendered civilized by the Toltecas and Nahuatlacas, many families of that nation abandoned themselves to a savage life in the country of the Otomies, choosing the exercise of the chase rather than


     


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    the fatigues of agriculture. They retained the name of Chechemecas, and the others who were brought to civilization began to be called Acolhuas, honouring themselves with the name of a nation which was esteemed the most polished. Of the Otomies, those who adopted a civil life retained the name of Otomies, by which they are known in history; but the others, who were spread in the woods, and mingled with the Chechemecas, would never give up their barbarous liberty, and were by many called Chechemecas, from the name of that celebrated nation; on which account some writers, treating of those barbarians, who for more than a century after the conquest, harassed the Spaniards, distinguish the Mexican Chechemecas from the Chechemecas of the Otomies; for the one spoke the Mexican language, and the other? that of the Otomies, according to the nation whence they drew their origin.

    From all that we have hitherto said, we may conclude with the greatest probability possible in so obscure a subject, that the order and time of the arrival of those nations in the country of Anahuac was as follows:
    The Toltecas, in the year 648.

    The Chechemecas, about the year 1170.

    The first Nahuatlacas, about 1178.

    The Acolhuas, toward the end of the twelfth century.

    The Mexicans arrived at Tula in the year 1196, at Tzompanco in the year 1216, and at Chapoltepec in the year 1245.

    The Otomies entered the vale of Mexico, and began to form into focieties in the year 1220.

    We know well that the Tepanecas boasted of their city of Azcapozalco being so old, that according to Torquemada they counted one thousand five hundred and


     


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    sixty-one years from the foundation of it to the beginning of the last century: so that they imagined it to have been founded immediately after the death of our Saviour; but the error of this opinion appears manifest, from the histories of other nations, which make the Tepanecas little more ancient in Anahuac than the Mexicans, and also from the series itself of the chiefs of Azcapozalco, whose portraits were preserved unto our time in an ancient edifice of that city. They did not count more than ten princes from the foundation of their city, unto the memorable destruction of their state, occasioned by the combined arms of the Mexicans and Acolhuas, which happened, as we shall find, in the year 1425: on which account it would be necessary to allow to each of their sovereigns one hundred and forty years of reign to fill up that period.

    The Totonacas, on their part, reported themselves more ancient than the Chechemecas; for the boast of antiquity is a weakness common to all nations. They relate, that having been at first, for some time, established on the banks of the Tezcucan lake; from thence they went to people those mountains, which took from them the name of Totonacapan; that there they were governed by ten lords, each of whom governed the nation precisely eighty years, until the Chechemecas having arrived in Anahuac, in the time of the second lord of that nation, named Xatoncan, at length subjected them to their dominion; and that lastly they were the subjects of the kings of Mexico. Torquemada, who relates this account of the Totonacas, in the third book of his Indian Monarchy, adds, that this is certain and confirmed by authentic histories worthy of faith; but whatever he may say, it is certain that the time of the arrival


     


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    of that nation in Anahuac, neither is nor can be known, and that the story of the ten lords, who governed the nation each precisely eighty years, is only fit to amuse children.

    Still less is it known when the Olmecas and Xicallancas arrived. Boturini says, that he could find neither picture nor monument concerning these nations, although he believes them more ancient than the Toltecas; but Hill it is unquestionable that they were not the most ancient.

    We do not here make mention of any other nations, because their antiquity is absolutely unknown; but we do not doubt, considering what we have already explained and set forth, that the Chiapanese were amongst the most ancient, and perhaps the first of all those who peopled the country of Anahuac.
     


    SECT. II.

    Concerning the correspondence of the Mexican Years with ours,
    and the Epoch of the foundation of Mexico.

    All the Mexican as well as Spanish writers, who have made mention of the Mexican chronology, are agreed respecting the method which those nations had of computing their centuries and their years, explained by us in book VI. of our history, and in the latter part of the end of vol. I. Whenever, therefore, we find the correspondence of any one Mexican year with any one Christian year, the correspondence of all the rest will easily be known. If, for example, we know that the year 1780 was the II Tecpatl, as it really was, we are certain that the year 1781 was the III Calli; the year


     


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    1782, was IV Tochtli, &c. All the difficulty consists in finding a Mexican year the correspondence of which with a Christian year is absolutely certain and indubitable; but we find this difficulty surmounted, by being assured not less from the ancient pictures of the Indians than by the testimony of Acosta, Torquemada, Siguenza, Betancourt, and Boturini, that the year 1519, in which the Spaniards entered into Mexico, was I Acatl, and of consequence that the year 1518 was XIII Tochtli, the year 1517 XII Calli, &c. so that there is no room for doubt of the exactness of our table, put at the end of volume I. respecting the correspondence of Mexican with Christian years. Those authors who disagree with it, have erred in their calculation, and contradicted themselves. Betancourt, in order to make us comprehend the manner which the Mexicans had of computing years, presents us with a table of Mexican years, contracted with Christian years, from the year 1663 unto 1688, but this table is erroneous from beginning to end; for the author supposes the year 1663 to have been the year I Tochtli, which is demonstrated to be false by the continuation of our table to that year. He affirms that 1519 was a secular year; by the admission of this error, his chronology cannot but be false throughout. If the year 1519 was I Acatl, as he supposes, with other writers, we shall find, by going backwards in our table, that 1507 was not a secular year, but 1506 was. In order to confirm his chronology, he adduces the testimony of his friend and fellow countryman Siguenza, who, he says, found that the year 1684 had been IX Acatl. If this was the case, his calculation would certainly be right; but although we do not doubt his veracity in the citation of Siguenza, we have reason to believe that this learned Mexican corrected


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                     133


    his chronology; nor could he do otherwise, when he knew that the year 1519 had been I Acatl, a certain foundation and beginning on which all the Mexican chronology ought to rest, and from which it is clearly deducible that the year 1684 had not been IX Acatl, but X Tecpatl. Torquemada, in his third book, treating of the Totonacas, says of a noble of that nation, that he was born in the year II Acatl, and that the year before 1519, in which the Spaniards arrived in that country, was, among the Mexicans, the year I Acatl. When Torquemada wrote this he was either dreaming, or ab» sent in mind; for he knew well that the year among the Mexicans which comes after I Acatl, is not II Acatl, but II Tecpatl, and such was the year 1520, of which he speaks.

    Supposing then that the year 1519 was I Acatl, and that the correspondence of the Mexican with the Christian years is known, it is not very difficult to trace back the epoch of the foundation of Mexico. All historians who have consulted the paintings of the Mexicans, or who have been informed by them by words, agree in saying, that that celebrated city was founded by the Aztecas, in the i4th century; but they differ a little as to the year. The interpreter of Mendoza's collection fixes the foundation of it in the year 1324. Gemelli, following Siguenza, makes it in 1325. Siguenza, cited by Betancourt and an anonymous Mexican, cited by Boturini, in 1327. Torquemada, according to the calculation made by Betancourt, from his account, in 1341; and Arrigo Martinez, in 1357. The Mexicans make the foundation in the year II Calli, as appears from the first painting of the collection of Mendoza and others, cited by Siguenza. It being certain, therefore, that


     


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    that city was founded in the 14th century, and in the year II Calli, that cannot have been in 1324, nor in the year 1327, or 1341, or 1357, because none of those years was II Calli. If we go back from the year 1519 to the 14th century, we shall find in it two years II Calli: that is 1325, and 1377. But the foundation could not have happened in this last year; for then it would be necessary to shorten very much the reign of the Mexican monarchs, in contradiction to the chronology of the ancient paintings. Nothing remains to be offered therefore but that that celebrated capital was founded in 1325 of the vulgar era: and this was most certainly the opinion of Siguenza; for Gemelli, who had no other instruction on this subject but that which was given him by that learned Mexican, places the foundation of this city in 1325, which he says was the year II Calli. If at first he was of a different opinion, he changed it afterwards on perceiving that it would not have agreed with that fixed principle, namely, that the year I Acatl was certainly the year 1519.
     


    SECT. III.

    On the Chronology of the Mexican Kings.

    It is difficult to illustrate entirely the chronology of the Mexican kings, on account of the disagreement between authors. We will avail ourselves of Ionic certain points, to clear up those which are uncertain. In order to give our readers some idea of the diversity of opinions, it will be sufficient to present the following table, where we mark the year in which, according to Acosta, the Interpreter of Mendoza's collection, and Siguenza, each of the kings began to reign.


     


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         Acosta.

    Acamapitzin 1384

    Huitzilihuitl 1424

    Chimalpopoca 1427

    Itzcoatl 1437

    Montezuma I. 1449

    Axajacatl 1481

    Tizoc 1487

    Ahuitzotl 1492

    Montezuma II. 1503
    The Interpreter.

    1375

    1396

    1417

    1427

    1440

    1469

    1482

    1486

    1502
         Siguenza.

    3 May 1361

    19 April 1403

    24 February 1414

    1427

    13 August 1440

    21 November 1468

    30 October 1481

    1486

    1502

    Acosta, and after him Arrigo Martinez, and Herrera, not only disagree with other authors in chronology, but also in the order of the kings, placing Tizoc on the throne before Axajacatl; whereas the contrary is evident, not less from the testimony of the Mexicans than that of other Spanish authors. Gomara perplexes the reigns of the lords of Tula with those of the kings of Colhuacan and the Mexican kings. Torquemada points out the years of both, and his chronology disagrees with that of other authors. Solis makes Montezuma II. The eleventh of the Mexican kings; but we know not how he supported so strange a paradox. De Paw, in order to shew his extravagance of genius even in this does not enumerate more than eight kings of Mexico, but it is certain and indubitable that the Mexicans had the nine kings above mentioned, and after them Cuitlahuatzin and Quauhtemotzin. Some authors do not reckon the two last among their kings, because they reigned for so short a time; but having been lawfully elected and peaceably accepted by the nation, they have as much right to be counted among the kings of Mexico as any of their ancestors. Acosta says, he does not make mention of them because they had nothing but the name of king, as in their time the whole of the kingdom almost was subject to the Spaniards; but this is absolutely


     


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    false, because when Cuitlahuatzin was elected, the Spaniards had only the province of the Totonacas under them, and they even were rather allies than subjects. When Quauhtemotzin was elected, they had added to that province five other states, and some small places in that neighbourhood; but all those states, compared with the rest of the Mexican empire, were less to it than Bologna is to the whole papal territory.

    To investigate the chronology of these eleven kings, it is necessary to adopt another method, beginning with the last, and continuing in a retrograde course to the commencement of the monarchy.

    Quauhtemotzin. This king finished his reign on the thirteenth of August, 1521, having been made prisoner by the Spaniards just as Mexico was taken. The day of his election is not known but from the accounts of Cortes it is to be inferred, that he was elected iu October or November of the preceding year; wherefore he could not have reigned more than nine or ten months.

    Cuitlahuatzin. This king, successor of his brother Montezuma, ascended the throne on the beginning of July, 1520, as appears by the account given by Cortes. Some Spanish authors say that he did not reign above forty days; others say, that he reigned sixty; b«t from that which Cortes heard said by a Mexican officer in the war of Quauhquechollan, it is to be concluded, that that king was alive in October. We do not therefore doubt that his reign was at least three months.

    Montezuma II. It is known that he reigned seventeen years and more than nine months, and that he began to reign in September, 1502, and died in the latter end of June, 1520. The reason why some authors have


     


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    fixed the beginning of his reign in 1503 was, because they knew that he had reigned seventeen years, and made no account of the nine months after them.

    Ahuitzotl. Acosta allows this king eleven years of reign. Martinez, twelve; Siguenza, sixteen; and Torquemada, eighteen. I believe we can trace back the years of his reign, and the time of his exaltation, from the epoch of the dedication of the greater temple. This happened, without doubt, in 1486, as several authors agree. On the other hand, it appears, that king Tizoc having hardly begun this building, Ahuitzotl continued and finished it, which he could not do in the same year in which he began it, nor in two or three years, it having been so vast an edifice as we know it was. Neither could he, in so short a time, have made the war which he did in countries so distant from each other, and procure that surprising number of victims which were sacrificed on that great festival. We believe, therefore, that the commencement of his reign cannot be fixed after 1482, and neither can it be anticipated without confounding the epochs of his predecessors, as we shall presently fee. Having begun therefore to reign in 1482, and finished in 1502, we ought to allow him nineteen years some months, or about twenty years of reign.

    Tizoc. No person doubts that the reign of this monarch was extremely short, and no author gives him more than four years and a half of life upon the throne. We could resolve the time of his reign, and that also of his predecessor, from that of Nezahualpilli, king of Acolhuacan; for that king having been so celebrated, and had so many historians at his court, we have certain accounts of his reign. Nezahualpilli died in 1516, after having reigned in Acolhuacan forty-five years and


     


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    some months; the commencement of his reign therefore must be fixed in 1470. It is known also, that the eighth year of the reign of Nezahualpilli was the first of Tizoc, so that this last must have begun his reign in 1477, and reigned four years and a half, as several historians say. Torquemada says that he reigned less than three years; but this author contradicts himself openly, not only in this but in many other parts of his chronology, for as he adopts the above mentioned calculation of the reign of Tizoc, he ought to have fixed his death in 1480, and consequently to have given Ahuitzotl not eighteen but twenty-two years of reign.

    Axajacatl. It is known that this king began to reign six years before Nezahualpilli, that is, in 1464, and that he finished, as we have said, in 1477, when his successor Tizoc ascended the throne. From that it is deducible that he reigned thirteen years, as Siguenza and other historians affirm. Acosta does not give him more than eleven years, nor the interpreter of Mendoza's collection more than twelve. It is most probable that the thirteen years were not completed.

    Montezuma I. All affirm, that this famous king completed twenty-eight years on the throne. Some give him a year more, because they reckon the months which he reigned more than the twenty-eight years, another year, which has not been reckoned by others. He began therefore to reign in 1436, and finished in 1464. In his time the Toxihumolpia, or secular year, was celebrated, not in the sixteenth year of his reign, as Torquemada says, but in the eighteenth, or 1454.

    Itzcoatl. Almost all historians give thirteen years of reign to this great king. Acosta and Martinez only give him twelve. The reason of this difference is the


     


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    same as that above mentioned, that is, Itzcoatl not having completed the thirteen years on the throne, Acosta and Martinez paid no attention to the odd months over the twelve years, whereas the others made a complete year of them. He began to reign in 1323; he could not begin either sooner or later, for he ascended the throne a year after Maxtlaton usurped the throne of Acolhuacan. Maxtlaton reigned three years, and with him the Tepanecas finished. The following year, that is, three years after Itzcoatl had begun to reign, Nezahualcojotl was established on the throne of Acolhuacan, which had been usurped by the Tepanecas. It is known besides, that Nezahualcojotl reigned forty-three years and some months; he having finished therefore in 1470, it appears that the commencement of his reign ought to be fixed in 1426, the ruin of the Tepanecas in 1425, the beginning of the reign of Itzcoatl in 1423, and that of the tyranny of Maxtlaton in 1422.

    Chimalpopoca. This unhappy king was confounded by Acosta, Martinez, and Herrera, with his nephew Acolnahuacatl, son of Huitzilihuitl; from whence these authors allow Chimalpopoca only ten years of reign, and make him die by the hands of the Tepanecas; but the contrary appears from the paintings and relations of the Indians, cited by Torquemada, and partly seen by ourselves. Siguenza, by inattention falls into a contradiction; for he says that Chimalpopoca was the younger brother of Huitzilihuitl: of this king he affirms, that he began to reign at eighteen years of age, and that he reigned less than eleven, so that he must have died before he was twenty-nine years of age; and Chimalpopoca, who immediately succeeded him, must have been at least twenty-eight when he began to reign; notwithstanding


     


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    Siguenza makes him ascend the throne at forty years and upwards. In the collection of Mendoza this king is not given more than ten years of reign. Torquemada and Siguenza give him thirteen, which account is certainly the most probable, considering the series of his actions and events: but Betancourt following Torquemada, makes many notable anachronisms on this subject. He fixes the election of Chimalpopoca in the time of Techotlalla, king of Acolhuacan; let us suppose that it was in the last year of this king: Techotlalla was succeeded by Ixtlilxochitl, who reigned seven years. Ixtlilxochitl by Tezozomoc, who tyrannised over that empire nine years, and to him Maxtlaton succeeded, in whose time Chimalpopoca died. According to those suppositions adopted by Torquemada and Betancourt, we must give Chimalpopoca at least sixteen years of reign, resulting from the seven of Ixtlilxochitl and the nine of Tizozomoc; which is contrary to their own chronology and that of other historians. If we choose to combine the chronology of the kings of Mexico with that of the kings of Tlatelolco, agreeably to the calculation of the above mentioned authors, there will hardly remain nineteen years to be divided between the two kings Chimalpopoca and Itzcoatl, as we shall afterwards find. Granting therefore thirteen years of reign to Chimalpopoca, according to the opinion of most historians, we ought to six the beginning of it in 1410. Maxtlaton succeeded to Tezozomoc, his father, a year before the death of Chimalpopoca, that is, in 1422. Tezozomoc kept the crown of Acolhuacan nine years; having died in 1422, his tyranny began therefore in 1413. With respect to Ixtlilxochitl, the lawful king of Acolhuacan, we know that he reigned seven years until 1413, when


     


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    his life, together with his crown, was taken from him by the tyrant Tezozomoc; he began therefore to reign in 1406.

    Huitzilihuitl. respecting the number of years which this monarch reigned historians are extremely different in opinion. Siguenza says, ten years and ten months. Acosta and Martinez give him thirteen; the Interpreter, twenty-one. Torquemada attests, that among the Mexican historians whom he consulted, some give him twenty-two years and others twenty-fix; but we have no doubt that the true number of years is that mentioned by the Interpreter; because we know, from the historical paintings of the Mexicans, that the thirteenth year of this king was a secular year, which, according to our chronological table, must have been the year 1402; he began therefore to reign in 1389. Having died in 1410, as appears from what we have said concerning the reign of Chimalpopoca, we ought to allow Huitzilihuitl twenty-one years of reign.

    Acamapitzin. Supposing the chronology of the preceding kings to be jull, and the epoch of the foundation of Mexico to be established, we have little to say with regard to the reign of this king. Torquemada affirms, that the paintings and manuscript histories six the election of Acamapitzin in the twenty-eighth year after the foundation of Mexico. He was elected therefore in 1352, or in the beginning of 1353, and his reign must have lasted thirty-seven years, or something less. The interregnum which happened after the death of this king was of four months, as Siguenza says; whereas all the others were but of a few days.



     

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    SECT. IV.

    Concerning the Epochs of the Events of the Conquest.

    It is not very difficult to trace the epochs of the events of the conquest, because we find them in general mentioned by the conqueror Cortes, in his letters to Charles V. but many anachronisms being committed by the Spanish historians, either because they did not consult those letters, or because they were indifferent about knowing on what days the moveable festivals happened in those years of which Cortes sometimes made mention, it is necessary to six some points of chronology, omitting others of smaller importance, to avoid proving tedious to our readers.

    The arrival of Cortes's armament on the coast of Chalchiuhcuecan happened, as every one knows, on Holy Thursday, 1519. This was on the 2ift of April, for Easter was that year on the 24th.

    The entry of the Spaniards into the city of Tlascala did not happen, as Herrera and Gomara say, on the 23d of September, but on the 18th, as Bernal Diaz, Betancourt, and Solis write. This is easily demonstrated by making a calculation according to the account given by Cortes of the days which the Spaniards staid in Tlascala and Cholula, and those which they employed in their journey to Mexico. Bernal Diaz says, that before they entered Tlascala they were twenty-four days in the territories of that republic, and afterwards twenty in that city; as is also confirmed by the letters of Cortes. They entered Cholula on the 14th of October, and into Mexico on the 8th of November. Six days after Montezuma was made prisoner, as Cortes himself


     


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    affirms. This general remained in the capital until the beginning of May following, at which time he went to Chempoalla, to oppose Narvaez. He assaulted and gained a victory over his enemy on the Sunday of Pentecost, which that year (1520^) happened on the zjth of May. The insurrection of the Mexicans, caused by the violent proceedings of Alvarado, happened on the great festival of the month Toxcatl, which began that year on the 13th of May. Cortes returned to the capital after his victory, on the 24th of June, as every one attests. In the accounts of the events which occurred in the last days of June, and the first days of July, we find some confusion and anachronisms among historians. We have followed Cortes in his letters, which contain the most authentic account of the conquest.

    The death of Montezuma appears to have happened on the 3Oth of June, for he died, according to Cortes, three days after he received the wound from a stone. This happened while those two machines of war were constructing, of which we have made mention in our history: these were constructed on the night of the a6th of June and the day following, as is to be gathered from the account of this conqueror. We cannot six the death of Montezuma therefore later nor sooner than the 3oth, without perplexing the series of events.

    The first of July we make the noche triste, that is, the night when the Spaniards came off defeated, for Cortes gives seven days to their journey from Mexico to Tlascala, and affirms that they entered there on the 8th of July. Diaz and Betancourt say, that the Spaniards left Mexico on the 10th, and entered on the i6th into the lands of that republic; but in this particular the greatest faith is due to Cortes. The events which happened


     


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    from the 24th of June to the first of July will appear many, considering the shortness of the time: but it is not wonderful that in circumstances of such difficulty and danger actions should multiply, as the saving of lives called forth the greatest efforts.

    The war made by the Spaniards in Quauhquechollan happened in the month of October, by what appears from the account of Cortes. This epoch becomes of importance to us, in order to know the time which Cuitlahuatzin reigned, for a Mexican Captain, of whom Cortes gained information of the state of the court, gave him intelligence of the diligence used by that king in preparations against the Spaniards. those who do not allow Cuitlahuatzin to have reigned more than forty days, reject that information as a falsehood; but as they allege no reason to convince us of its falsity, we ought to believe it.

    Concerning the day on which the siege of Mexico began, and the time of its duration, authors in general are mistaken. They say for the first part that the siege lasted ninety-three days; but they have not made the calculation exactly, for Cortes made the review of his troops in the great square of Tezcuco, and assigned the posts which the three divisions were to occupy on the Monday of Pentecost, in the year 1521. But although we should suppose, contrary to the truth of history, that on the same day of the review the siege was begun, there would not be ninety-three, but only eighty-five days; for that Monday happened on the 20th of May, and it is universally known that the siege terminated with the taking of the capital on the 13th of August. If they reckon the hostilities committed on the cities of the lake to be part of the siege, they ought to six the


     


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    beginning of the siege on the first day of January, and count not ninety-three days, but seven months to it. Cortes, who in this point merits more faith than any other historian, says expressly, that the siege commenced on the 30th of May, and lasted seventy-five days. It is true, that the letter itself of Cortes might occasion an error, for there it is given to be understood, that on the 14th of May the divisions of Alvarado and Olid were in Tacuba, from whence the siege began; but this is a manifest error in the cyphers, for it is certain that those two officers did not go to Tacuba till after the review of the troops; and we know from Cortes, and other historians, that this happened on Monday of Pentecost, the 20th of May.

    Torquemada says, in book IV. cap. 46. That the Spaniards entered into Mexico, for the first time, on the 8th of November; but in chap. 14. of the same book he affirms, that this entry happened on the 2nd of July; that they remained there one hundred and fifty days, ninety-five days in friendship with the Mexicans, and forty at war with them, which was occasioned by the Daughter made there by Alvarado, on the festival of the month Toxcatl, corresponding, as he believes, to our April, &c. The series of anachronisms, errors, and contradictions, contained in the chapter above cited of this author, is sufficient to give us an idea of his preposterous chronology.


     

    [ 146 ]



    DISSERTATION III.

    On the Land of Mexico.

    Whoever reads the horrid description which some Europeans give of America, or hears the injurious slander with which they speak of its soil, its climate, its plants, its animals, and inhabitants, will easily be persuaded that malice and unnatural rancour have armed their pens and their tongues, or that the new world is truly a cursed land, and destined by heaven for the punishment of malefactors. If we rest faith in count de Buffon, America is an entirely new country, scarcely arisen out of the waters which overwhelmed it, (m) a continual marsh in its plains, a land uncultivated and covered with woods, even after having been peopled by Europeans more industrious than Americans, or incumbered with mountains that are inaccessible, and leave but a small territory for cultivation and the habitations of men; an unhappy region, lying under a sordid sky, where all the animals that have been transported from the old continent are degenerated, and those native to its clime are small, deformed, weak, and destitute of arms for their defence. If we credit Mr. de Paw, who in a great measure copies the sentiments of count dc Buffon, and where he does not copy, multiplies and exaggerates errors,) America has been in general, and is at present a very barren country, in which all the plants of Europe have degenerated, except those which are aquatic and succulent. Its stinking soil bears a greater number of poisonous plants than all the other parts of the

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    (m) Hist. Natur. tom. vi.


     


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    world. Its lands, either overloaded with mountains, or covered with woods, present nothing to the eye but a vast and barren desert; its climate is extremely unfavourable to the greater part of quadrupeds, and moll of all pernicious to men, who are degenerated, debilitated, and vitiated in a surprising manner in all the parts of their organization. (n)

    The historiographer Herrera, although in many respects judicious and moderate, when he makes a comparison of the climate and soil of Europe with America, shews himself eminently ignorant even of the first elements of geography, and utters such absurdities as would not be tolerated in a child. "Our hemisphere," he says, "is better than the new one with respect to clime. Our pole is more embellished with stars, because it has the north to 3 1/4 degrees, with many resplendent stars." By which he supposes, first, that the southern hemisphere is new, though so many centuries are past since it has been known in Asia and Africa. Secondly, that all America belongs to the southern hemisphere, and that North America is not connected with the same pole and stars of the Europeans. We have, he adds, another pre-eminence, which is, that the sun is seven days longer towards the tropic of Cancer than towards that of Capricorn; as if the excels of the sun's stay in the northern hemisphere was not the same in the new as in the old continent. It appears that our good historiographer was persuaded, that the greater love which that luminary bears to beautiful Europe was the cause of his longer stay in the northern hemisphere. A thought truly gallant, and fit for a French poem, and from whence it comes, proceeds our

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    (n) Recherches Philosophiques, parte i.


     


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    chronicler, that the Arctic is colder than the Antarctic part, because it enjoys less of the sun. But how can there be less of the sun enjoyed in the Arctic part, when this luminary is seven days longer in the northern hemisphere? Our land extends from west to east, and is therefore more accommodating to human life than the other, which growing narrow from west to east, enlarges too much from one to the other pole; for the land which lengthens itself from west to east is at a more equal distance from the cold of the north, and the heat of the south. But if the north is the region of cold, and the south that of heat, as our chronicler supposes, the equinoctial countries, according to his principles, would certainly be the best calculated for human life, from being those which are equidistant from north and south. In the other hemisphere our author concludes, there were no dogs, asses, sheep, or goats, and no lemons, oranges, figs, nor quinces, &c.

    these, and other such absurd notions of several authors, are the effects of a blind and immoderate partiality to their own country, which makes them ascribe to it certain imaginary pre-eminences over all others in the world. It would not be difficult to oppose to their invectives the great praises which many very celebrated Europeans, better informed than them, have bestowed on those countries; but besides that, it would be foreign to our purpose, it would be disgustful to our readers: we shall therefore content ourselves with examining in. This Dissertation that which has been written against the land of America in general, or against that of Mexico in particular.


     


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    SECT. I.

    On the pretended Inundation of America.

    Almost all that M. Buffon and M. de Paw have written against the land of America, respecting its plants, its animals, and its inhabitants, is founded on the supposition of a general inundation, different from that which happened in the time of Noah, and much more recent, on account of which that vast country remained a long time under water. From this recent inundation arises, says M. Buffon the malignity of the climate of America, the sterility of its soil, the imperfection of its animals, and the coldness of the Americans. Nature had not had time to put her designs in execution, nor to take all her extension. The lakes and the marines left by that inundation, according to the affirmation of M. de Paw, occasion the excessive humidity of the air which is the cause of its insalubrity, of the extraordinary multiplication of insects, of the irregularity and smallness of the quadrupeds, of the sterility of the soil, of the barrenness of the women, of the abundance of milk in the breasts of the men, of the stupidity of the Americans, and a thousand other extraordinary phenomena which he has observed much more distinctly from his closet in Berlin, than we who have pasted so many years in America. These two authors, though they are agreed with respect to an inundation, differ with respect to the time of it; for M. de Paw believes it to have been much more ancient than M. Buffon does.

    This supposition, however, is ill founded, and the inundation pretended to have happened to the new world is a chimera. M. de Paw endeavours to support it on the


     


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    testimony of Acosta, on the almost infinite number of lakes and marshes, on the veins of heavy metals, which are found almost on the surface of the earth, on the marine bodies which are found heaped together lying in the most low inland places, on the destruction of the great quadrupeds, and, lastly, on the unanimous tradition of the Mexicans, Peruvians, and all the savages from the land of Magellan to the river St. Lawrence, who all testify of their ancestors on the mountains during the time the valleys were laid under water.

    It is true that Acosta, in book I. chap. 25 of his history, doubts whether that which the Americans say of the deluge ought to be understood of that of Noah, or of some other particular one which happened in their land, as those of Deucalion and Ogyges in Greece; and it appears also that he inclines to adhere to this opinion which he says has been adopted by some judicious men: but, notwithstanding, in book V. chap. 19, speaking of the first conquest of the Incas, he gives us to understand that he firmly believed, that it ought to be understood of the deluge of Noah. deluge (of which all those Indians had knowledge) they had new peopled the world, seven of them issuing from the cave of Pacaritambo, and that all other men therefore ought to render them homage as their progenitors." Acosta, therefore, knew that that tradition of the Americans respected the universal deluge, and that the fables with which it was blended had been invented by the Incas to establish the right of their empire. What would that author have said, if he had had those proofs in favour of the tradition which we have? The Mexicans,


     


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    as their own historians affirm, make no mention of the deluge, without commemorating also the confusion of tongues and the dispersion of the people, and those three things were represented by them in a single painting, as appears from that picture which Siguenza had from D. F. d'Alba Ixtlilxochitl, and he from his noble ancestors, a copy of which has been given in our history. The same tradition has been found among the Chiapanese, the Tlascalans, the people of Michuacan, of Cuba, and the Indians of the continent, with the circumstance of a few men, with some animals having been saved in a vessel from the deluge, and having set at liberty first a bird, which did not return again to the vessel, because it remained eating carrion, and afterwards another, which returned with a green branch in its mouth: this renders it evident, that they did not speak of any other deluge than that which drowned all the earth in the time of the patriarch Noah. All the circumstances which have disguised or changed this most ancient and universal tradition among nations, have either been allegories, such as those of the seven caves of the Mexicans, to signify the seven different nations which peopled the country of Anahuac, or the fictions of ignorance or ambition. None of those nations believed that men were saved upon the mountains, but in an ark or vessel, or, if possible, any one thought otherwise, it was certainly because the tradition of the deluge, after so many centuries, had been changed. It is therefore absolutely false that there was an unanimous tradition-of an inundation peculiar to America, among all those people who dwelt between the land of Magellan and the river St. Lawrence.

    The lakes and the marshes which appear to Mr. Buffon and Mr. de Paw incontestible marks and traces of


     


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    this pretended inundation, are unquestionably the effects of the great rivers, the innumerable fountains, and the very plentiful rains of America. If those lakes and marshes had been made by that inundation, and not by the causes we have assigned, they would, after so many ages, have been consumed and dried up by the continual evaporation which the heat of the sun produces, particularly under the torrid zone; or at least they would have been considerably diminished; but no diminution is observable, except in those lakes, from which human industry has diverted the rivers and torrents which discharged themselves into them, as in those of the vale of Mexico. We have seen and observed the five principal lakes of New Spain, which are those of Tezcuco, Chalco, Cuisco, Pazcuaro, and Chapalla, and are confident that they have not been formed nor are preserved, but by plentiful rain-waters, rivers, and fountains. All the world is acquainted, that no rains are more copious and violent, nor any rivers so great, as those of America. Why then invent inundations while we have causes at hand more natural and certain? If the lakes were proofs of an inundation, we ought rather to believe it to have happened in the old than in the new continent, because all the lakes of America, including even those of Canada, which are the largest, are not comparable to the Black, White, Baltic, and Caspian seas, which though vulgarly called seas, are, however, according to Buffon himself, true lakes, formed by rivers which pour into them. If to those we add the lakes of Lemano, Onega, Pleskow, and many others, extremely large, of Russia, Tartary, and other countries, (p) we will soon discover how much

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    (p) Bomare enumerates thirty-eight lakes in the cantons of Switzerland, and says, that into that of Harlem vessels of great size enter. The lake of Aral in Tartary has, according to the same author, a hundred leagues of length and fifty of breadth.


     


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    they, who have so exaggerated the lakes of America, had forgotten the nature of their own continent. The lake of Chapalla, which, in the geographical maps, is honoured with the magnificent name of Mare Chapallicum, or sea of Chapalla, which we have also seen and coasted round three times, is hardly a hundred miles in circumference. But if the rivers Don, Wolga, Borysthenes, Danube, Oder, and others of the ancient continent, though less by far than the Maragnon, the river of Plata, that of Maddalena, St. Lawrence, Oroonoko, Mississippi, and others of the new world, are nevertheless extremely sufficient, according to what Buffon says, to form those lakes which are so great, that they have always been esteemed seas, what wonder is it that the monstrous rivers of America make smaller lakes and marshes? Mr. de Paw says, that those lakes appear receptacles of water, which have not yet been able to issue from those places formerly overflowed by a violent agitation given to all the terraqueous globe. The numerous volcanos of the Andes, or American Alps, and of the hills of Mexico, and the earthquakes which are incessantly felt in one part or other of those Alps, let us see that that land is not yet at repose even in our day. But if that violent agitation was general over the terraqueous globe, how came the lands of Peru and Mexico to be inundated, which are so highly elevated above the level of the sea, as Buffon and de Paw both confess, and not the lands of Europe, which are so very much lower? Whoever has observed the stupendous elevation of the inland countries of America, will not easily persuade himself that the water could rise so as to cover them without inundating Europe. Besides, we may also say, that Vesuvius, Etna, Hecla, and the numerous


     


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    volcanos of the Moluccas, the Philippine islands, and Japan, and the frequent earthquakes of those islands, and of China, Persia, Syria, Turkey, &c. let us also see that even the old world is not yet at repose in our day. (r)

    The veins of metals, adds de Paw, which are found in some places on the surface of the earth, appear to indicate that the soil was once overflowed, and that the torrents carried away part of it. But would it not be better to say, that some violent eruptions of subterraneous fires, which appear manifest in the many volcanos of the Cordilleras, destroying the surface of some soils, left the veins of metals almost naked?

    The finding of marine bodies heaped together in some inland places of America, if it should prove the pretended inundation would prove still more strongly a greater inundation of the old continent; for whereas there are few places in America in which these mattes of sea-shells, and other petrified marine bodies, are found; Europe, on the contrary, is almost full of petrifications of such bodies, which demonstrates with certainty that it was formerly overflowed by the sea. (s) Every person knows the wonders and the calculations which several French natural philosophers have made of that immense quantity of shells which are seen in Tourain, and nobody

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    (r) M. de Paw himself, after having made mention of Vesuvius, Etna, Hecla, and the volcanos of Liparis, speaks thus: "Amongst the great volcano* are reckoned the Paranucan, in the island of Java; the Canapis, in the island of Banda; the Balaluan in the island of Sumatra. The island of Ternate has a flaming mountain, the irruptions of which are not inferior to those of Etna. Of all the islands, small and large, which compose the empire of Japan, there is not one which has not a volcano that is not more or less considerable; and also the Philippine isles, the Azores, the Cape de Verd islands, &c." Letter III. Sur les Vicissitudes du noire Globe.

    (s) Burguet, in his Treatise an Petrifications, and Torribia, in his Introduction to the Natural History of Spain, gives us a very long account of the places of Europe and Asia, where petrified marine bodies are found.


     


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    is ignorant either that such kind of petrified marine bodies are found also in the Alps. Why then ought we to conclude, from some marine bodies having been found in some places of America, that that country suffered an inundation, and not still more confidently conclude, that Europe has suffered an inundation from such bodies having been found in still greater abundance in many places of it? If the transportation of those bodies to inland places of Europe is to be ascribed to the waters of the universal deluge, why ought they not to be ascribed to the same cause in America? (t) On the contrary, if the waters of the universal deluge were not those which carried the above mentioned marine bodies into the inland places of Europe, but those of a Posterior inundation: if Europe is in general, according to what Buffon says, (u) a new country: if it is not long since it was covered with woods and marshes, why do we not see in Europe, and why were there not seen two thousand years ago, those stupendous effects of the inundation which those authors see in America? Why have the animals of Europe degenerated like those of America?

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    (t) One of the highest mountains of America is the Dezcabenado, situated among the alps of Chili, upwards of five hundred miles from the sea. Its perpendicular height above the level of the sea is, according to Molina, a learned and diligent historian of that kingdom, more than three miles. On the top of this very lofty mountain is found a great quantity of petrified marine bodies, which certainly could not have been carried to that stupendous height by the waters of any partial inundation, different from the deluge which happened in the time of Noah. Neither can it be said that that summit might formerly have been the bed of the sea, and gradually have been raised by subterraneous fires, bearing along with it those marine bodies; because although this case is not improbable in some places, which we see but a little elevated above the level the sea, and we even think it may frequently have happened, notwithstanding, in a height so extraordinary as this, it appears entirely incredible: so that those marine bodies, found on that summit, ought to be considered as unquestionable proofs and indubitable traces of the universal deluge.

    (u) Tom. Theorie de la Terre.


     


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    Why are not the Europeans cold in constitution like the Americans? Why are or have not the women of both the one and the other part of the world been equally barren? Why, if Europe was overflowed like America, and more so, and for a much longer time than it, as is clearly deducible from the arguments of Buffon, has its soil remained fertile, and that of America barren? Why are the skies of Europe so mild, those of America so inclement? Why to Europe should all the blessings have been destined, to America all the evils? Whoever would be better informed respecting those difficulties, may read Buffon on the inundation of Europe. The last argument of M. de Paw is taken from the extinction or destruction of the great quadrupeds in America, which he says are the first to perish in water. This author believes that anciently there were elephants, camels, sea-horses, and other large quadrupeds in America, but that they all perished in this supposed inundation. But what person will not wonder that elephants and camels, who are so swift, should perish, and that the sloth, which is so flow, and unable to move, should escape? that they could not, as well as men, betake themselves to the mountains, either by swimming, at which they are most dexterous, or by availing themselves of the swiftness of their feet, which is so great, that in one day, according to the account of Buffon, they go one hundred and fifty miles; and yet the sloths could find leisure to ascend to the tops of the mountains, which, according to the account of the same author, can hardly move a perch in an hour? Although we should admit that such quadrupeds have been formerly in America, we are not obliged to believe that their destruction has been occasioned by the supposed inundation, because it


     


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    might be ascribed to other causes very different. M. de Paw himself" affirms, (x) that if elephants were transported to America, as the Portuguese have attempted, they would meet with the same fortune with camels; that they would not propagate, although they were left in the woods to their own instinct; because the change of aliment and clime is infinitely more sensibly felt by elephants than all other quadrupeds of the largest kind. He likewise declares in another place, that the causes which operate to the destruction of those animals, that is, the quadrupeds of the new world, are difficulties of a high degree, and at the same time one of the most interesting subjects of the natural history of the terraqueous globe. Why then does he decide so positively, that the supposed inundation was the cause of their extirpation? Buffon endeavours to persuade us of the recent inundation of America by several arguments, to which we will answer in a few words. If this continent is as ancient as the other, he says, speaking of America, why have so few men been found there? The men who have been found there cannot be called few, but in respect to the very extensive country which they have inhabited. Those who lived in societies, as the Mexicans, the natives of Michuacan, the Acolhuas, and others who occupied all that very extensive tract of the country, which lies between nine and twenty-three degrees of latitude, and two hundred and seventy-one and two hundred and ninety-four of longitude, were bodies of people as numerous as those of Europe, which we mail shew in another dissertation. (y) Those who lived more dispersed, formed

    __________
    (x) Recherches Philosophiques, parte i.

    (y) these arguments of the count de Buffon against the antiquity of America, are found in the sixth volume of his Natural history; but a little before, in the same volume, he says thus: "There have been discovered in Mexico


     


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    smaller nations or tribes, because their smaller multiplication has been always a necessary effect of savage life in all countries in the world. "If savages are shepherds," says Montesquieu, they require a great country to be able to subsist in a certain number. If they are hunters, as the savages of America were, they exist in still smaller numbers, and in order to maintain themselves, form a still less populous nation."

    Why, returns Mr. Buffon to ask, were they almost all savage and dispersed? It is not so. How can it be laid they were all savage and dispersed; whilst we know that the Mexicans, the Peruvians, and all the people subject to them, lived in societies; which, as Mr. Buffon himself confesses, were extremely numerous, and cannot be called new. The other nations continued savages, from a violent attachment to liberty or some other cause of which we are ignorant. In Asia, although it is a most ancient country, there are still many nations that are savage and dispersed. Why, he says, have those who were united in societies, hardly counted two or three hundred years since they assembled? This i» another error. The Mexicans hardly counted two hundred years from the foundation of their capital; the Tlascalans something more from the establishment of their republic, but those nations, and the others subjected to them, lived in society from time immemorial, as well as the Toltecas, Acolhuas, and Michuacanese. Neither Buffon, de Paw, nor Dr. Robertson, can distinguish the establishment of those nations in Anahuac, from the settlements

    __________
    and Peru, civilized men, and cultivated people, subject to laws, and governed by kings; they possessed industry, arts, and a species of religion; they lived in cities in which order and government were maintained under the authority of a sovereign. These people, are certainly very numerous, and cannot be said to be new," &c.


     


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    which they had many centuries before in the northern regions of the new world.

    "Why, he again asks, were those nations who lived in society ignorant of the art of transmitting to posterity the memory of events by means of durable signs, considering that they had found the manner of communicating together at a distance by means of knots on cords?" What then were the pictures and characters of the Mexicans, and the other polished nations of Anahuac, if not durable signs, destined to perpetuate the memory of events? See what Acosta has said on this subject, in the sixth book of chap. 7. of his history, and what we say in our dissertation on the culture of the Mexicans.

    Why, he continues, had they not domesticated animals, nor employed any other than the Llama (z) and Paco, which were not domestic, faithful, and docile, like ours? because there were no others which could be domesticated. Does Mr. Buffon think that they should have domesticated tygers, Pume, wolves, and other such wild beasts? M. de Paw reproaches the Americans for their little industry, in not having employed the reindeer as the Laplanders have; but those animals were not to be found but in countries extremely distant from Mexico; and the savages in whose lands those animals were found, would not make use of them, because they had no occasion for them, or it did not come into their minds to domesticate them. Besides, the proposition of Mr. Buffon taken in so general a sense, is certainly false;

    __________
    (z) Llama, not Lama was, according to what Acosta says, the generic name of the four species of quadrupeds of that kind; but at perfect it is used only to signify the one which the Spaniards called Carnus, that is, the ram of Peru. The other three species are the Paco, the Guanaco or Huannaco, and the Vicugna. The name Llama is pronounced Lyama.


     


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    as he himself says that the alco, or techiche, a quadruped similar to a little dog, which is common to both Americas, was domesticated by the Indians. In the same manner the Mexicans domesticated rabbits, ducks, turkeys, and other animals.

    "Lastly, their arts," concludes Mr. Buffon, "were as rude as their society, their talents inferior, their ideas not yet developed, their organs rough, and their language barbarous:" the errors contained in those words we shall effectually refute in the following dissertations.

    We must, therefore, upon the whole, deny that pretended inundation, as one of those philosophical chimeras invented by the unquiet geniuses of our century: since among the Americans there has been no memory of any other inundation than that universal deluge of which the Scriptures make mention. We would, on the contrary, say, that if it was true that the deluge of Noah did not overflow the whole earth, no country might be sooner supposed to have been exempted from that calamity than Mexico; for besides its great elevation above the level of the sea, there is no inland country where petrified marine bodies are more rare.
     



    SECT. II.

    On the Climate of Mexico.

    If we were to employ ourselves to refute all the absurd notions which M. de Paw has written against the climate of America, a large volume, instead of a dissertation, would be necessary. Let it suffice to say, he has collected all that has been said by several authors, right or wrong, against different particular countries of the


     


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    New World, in order to present his readers with an assemblage of fictions that is monstrous and horrid, without considering, that if we were to follow his steps, and undertook to make a similar representation of the different countries of which the old continent is composed, (which would not be difficult) we would make a description still more hideous than his; but as it would be foreign to our purpose we will confine ourselves to treat of the climate of Mexico.

    This country, as it is extremely extensive, and divided into so many provinces, different in their situation, is necessarily subjected to a variety of climes. Some of its lands, such as the maritime, are hot, and in general moist and unhealthy; others are like all inland places, temperate, dry, and healthy. The latter are extremely high, the former very low. In some the south wind, in others the east, and in others the north wind prevails. The greatest cold of any of the inhabited places, does not equal that of France or even Castile; nor can the greatest heat be compared to that of Africa, or the dog-days in many countries of Europe. The difference between winter and summer is so little in any part, that the most delicate persons wear the same clothes in August and January. This and a good deal more which we have already said, respecting the mildness and sweetness of that climate is so notorious, that there is no need of arguments to support it.

    M. de Paw in order to demonstrate the malignity of the American climate, adduces first the smallness and irregularity of the animals of America. Secondly, the size and enormous multiplication of the insects, and other little animals. Thirdly, the diseases of the Americans, and particularly the venereal disorder. Fourthly, the


     


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    defects of their natural constitution. Fifthly, the excess of cold in the countries of America, in comparison of those of the old continent, situated at an equal distance from the equator.

    But this supposed smallness and less ferocity of the American animals, of which we shall treat hereafter, instead of the malignity, demonstrate the mildness and bounty of the clime, if we give credit to Buffon, at whose fountain Sig. de Paw has drank, and of whose testimony he has availed himself against Don Pernetty. Buffon who in many places of his Natural history produces the smallness of the American animals as a certain argument of the malignity of the climate of America; in treating afterwards of savage animals, in tom. II. speaks thus: "As all things, even the most free creatures, are subject to natural laws, and animals as well as men are subjected to the influence of climate and foil, it appears that the same causes which have civilized and polished the human species in our climates, may have likewise produced similar effects upon other species. The wolf, which is perhaps the fiercest of all the quadrupeds of the temperate zone, is however incomparably less terrible than the tyger, the lion, and the panther of the torrid zone; and the white bear and hyena of the frigid zone. In America, where the air and the earth are more mild than those of Africa, the tyger, the lion, and the panther, are not terrible but in the name. They have degenerated, if fierceness joined to cruelty, made their nature; or, to speak more properly, they have only suffered the influence of the climate: under a milder sky their nature also has become more. mild. From climes which are immoderate in their temperature are obtained drugs, perfumes, poisons, and all those plants whose qualities are


     


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    strong. The temperate earth on the contrary, produces only things which are temperate; the mildest herbs, the most wholesome pulse, the sweetest fruits, the most quiet animals, and the most humane men are the natives of this happy clime. As the earth makes the plants, the earth and plants make animals; the earth, the plants, and the animals make man. The physical qualities of man, and the animals which feed on other animals, depend, though more remotely, on the same causes, which influence their dispositions and customs. This is the greatest proof and demonstration, that in temperate climes every thing becomes temperate, and that in intemperate climes every thing is excessive; and that size and form which appear fixed and determinate qualities, depend notwithstanding, like the relative qualities, on the influence of climate. The size of our quadrupeds cannot be compared with that of an elephant, the rhinoceros, or sea-horse. The largest of our birds are but small if compared with the ostrich, the condore, and casoare.”     So far Mr. Buffon, whose text we have copied, because it is of importance to our purpose, and entirely contrary to what M. de Paw writes against the climate of America, and Buffon himself in many other places.

    If the large and fierce animals are natives of intemperate climes, and small and tranquil animals of temperate climes, as Mr. Buffon has here established; if mildness of climate influences the disposition and customs of animals, Mr. de Paw does not well deduce the malignity of the climate of America from the smaller size and less fierceness of its animals; he ought rather to have deduced the gentleness and sweetness of its climate from this antecedent. If, on the contrary, the smaller size and less fierceness of the American animals, with respect to


     


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    those of the old continent, are a proof of their degeneracy, arising from the malignity of the clime, as Mr. de Paw would have it, we ought in like manner to argue the malignity of the climate of Europe from the smaller size and less fierceness of its animals, compared with those of Africa. If a philosopher of the country of Guinea should undertake a work in imitation of M. de Paw, with this title, Recherches Philosophiques fur les Europeens, he might avail himself of the same argument which M. de Paw uses to demonstrate the malignity of the climate of Europe, and the advantages of that of Africa. The climate of Europe, he would say, is very unfavourable to the production of quadrupeds, which are found incomparably smaller, and more cowardly than ours. What are the horse and the ox, the largest of its animals, compared with our elephants, our rhinoceroses, our sea-horses, and our camels? What are its lizards, either in size or intrepidity, compared with our crocodiles? Its wolves, its bears, the most dreadful of its wild beasts, when beside our lions and tygers? Its eagles, its vultures, and cranes, if compared with our ostriches, appear only like hens. In order to avoid prolixity, we omit other such observations which might be made against Europe, still adhering to the materials and words of M. de Paw. What Buffon and de Paw would answer to that African philosopher, we will now answer to those philosophers of Europe; since their arguments either do not prove, that the climate of America is bad, or say that the climate of Europe is bad, or at least that the African is better than the European climate.

    From the scarcity and smallness of quadrupeds M. de Paw passes to the enormous size, and prodigious multiplication of the insects, and other noxious little animals.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                     165


    "The surface of the earth,” he says, “infected by putrefaction, was over-run with lizards, serpents, reptiles, and insects monstrous for size, and the activity of their poison, which they drew from the copious juices of this uncultivated soil, that was corrupted and abandoned to itself, where the nutritive juice became sharp, like the milk in the breast of animals which do not exercise the virtue of propagation. Caterpillars, crabs, butterflies, beetles, spiders, frogs, and toads, were for the most part of an enormous corpulence in their species, and multiplied beyond what can be imagined. Panama is infested with serpents, Carthagena with clouds of enormous bats, Portobello with toads, Surinam with kakerlacas or cucarachas, Guadaloupe, and the other colonies of the islands, with beetles, Quito with niguas or chegoes, and Lima with lice and bugs. The ancient kings of Mexico, and the emperors of Peru, found no other means of ridding their subjects of those insects, which fed upon them, than the imposition of an annual tribute, of a certain quantity of lice. Ferdinand Cortes found bags full of them in the palace of Montezuma." But this argument, full throughout of falsity and exaggerations, proves nothing against the climate of America in general, much less against that of Mexico. There being some lands in America, in which, on account of their heat, humidity, or want of inhabitants, large insects are found and excessively multiplied, will prove at most that in some places the surface of the earth is infected, as he says, with putrefaction; but not that the soil of Mexico, or that of all America is stinking, uncultivated, vitiated, and abandoned to itself, as is weakly asserted by M. de Paw. If such a deduction were just, he might also say,


     


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    That That the soil of the old continent is barren, and stinks; as in many countries of it there are prodigious multitudes of monstrous insects, noxious reptiles, and vile animals, as in the Philippine isles, in many of those of the Indian archipelago, in several countries of the south of Asia, in many of Africa, and even in some of Europe. The Philippine isles are infested with enormous ants, and monstrous butterflies; Japan with scorpions; south of Asia and Africa, with serpents; Egypt with asps; Guinea and Ethiopia, with armies of ants; Holland with field-rats; Ukrania, with toads, as M. de Paw himself affirms. (i) In Italy, the Campagna di Roma (although peopled for so many ages), with vipers, Calabria with tarantulas, the shores of the Adriatic sea with clouds of gnats; and even in France, the population of which is so great and so ancient, whose lands are so well cultivated, and whose climate is so celebrated by the French, there appeared, a few years ago, according to Mr. Buffon, a new species of field mice, larger than the common kind, called by him Surmulots, which have multiplied exceedingly, to the great damage of the fields. Mr. Bazin, in his Compendium of the history of insects, numbers seventy-seven species of bugs, which are all found in Paris and its neighbourhood. That large capital, as Mr. Bomare says, swarms with those disgustful insects. It is true that there are places in America where the multitude of insects, and filthy vermin, make life irksome; but we do not know that they have arrived to such excess of multiplication as to depopulate any place, at least there cannot be so many examples produced of this cause of depopulation in the new as in the old continent, which are attested by Theophrastus, Varro,

    __________
    (i) Defense des Recherches Philosophiques, fur let Americains, chap. 13.


     


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    Pliny, (k) and other authors. The frogs depopulated one place in Gaul, and the locusts another in Africa. One of the Cyclades, was depopulated by mice; Amiclas, near to Taracina, by serpents; another place, near to Ethiopia, by scorpions and poisonous ants; and another by scolopendras; and not so distant from our own times, the Mauritius was going to have been abandoned on account of the extraordinary multiplication of rats, as we can remember to have read in a French author.

    With respect to the size of the insects, reptiles, and such animals, M. de Paw makes use of the testimony of Mr. Dumont, who, in his Memoirs on Louisiana, says, that the frogs are so large there that they weigh thirty-seven French pounds, and their horrid croaking imitates the bellowing of cows. But who can trust to that author, particularly after knowing what Mr. de Paw says, (in his answer to Don Pernetty, cap. 17.) that all those who have written about Louisiana from Henepin, Le Clerc, and Cav. Tonti, to Dumont, have contradicted each other sometimes on one and sometimes on another subject. We wonder however, that M. de Paw should have had the boldness to write that these monsters do not exist in the rest of the world. We know extremely well that there are neither in the old nor new continent frogs of thirty-seven pounds in weight; but there are in Asia and Africa serpents, butterflies, ants, and other animals of such monstrous size, that they exceed all those which have been discovered in the new world. In what place of America has a serpent of fifty Roman cubits in length been seen, such as that which was shewn by Augustus to the Roman people at the public spectacles, as historians affirm, (l) or so gross as that

    __________
    (k) Pliny Hist. Natur. lib. viii. cap. 19.

    (l) Suetonius in Octaviano Caesare.


     


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    which was killed in the Vatican in the time of the emperor Claudius, and attested by Pliny, an author almost cotemporary, in the belly of which an entire child was found. But, above all, where has there been seen, even in the most solitary woods of America, a serpent which can in any manner be compared with that most enormous and prodigious one of one hundred and twenty feet in length, seen in Africa at the time of the first Punic war, and killed with war machines by the army of Attilius Regulus, the skin and jaw-bones of which were preserved in a temple of Rome, until the war of Numantia, according to the testimonies of Livy, Pliny, and other Roman historians? We know very well that some American historian says, that a certain gigantic species of serpents is to be found in the woods, which attract men with their breath, and swallow them up; but we know also that several historians, both ancient and modern, report the same thing of the serpents of Asia, and even something more. Megasthenes, cited by Pliny, said, that there were serpents found in Asia, so large, that they swallowed entire flags and bulls. (m) Metrodorus, cited by the same author, affirms, that in Asia there were serpents which, by their breath, attracted birds, however high they were, or quick their flight. Among the moderns, Gemelli, in vol. V. of his Tour of the World, when he treats of the animals of the Philippine

    __________
    (m) Megasthenes scribit, in India serpentes in tantam magnitudinem adolescere, ut solidos hauriant cervos taurosque. Metrodorus circa Rhyndacum amnem in ponto ut supervolantes quamvia alte perniciterque, alites haustu raptas absorbeant. Nota est in Punicis bellis ad flumen Bagradam an Regulo imper. balestis tormentisque ut oppidum aliquod expugnata serpens CXX pedum longitudinis. Pellis ejus maxillaeque usque ad bellum Numantinum duravere Romae in templo. Faciunt his fidem in Italia appellatae boae in tantem amplitudinem exevntes ut Divo Claudio, principe occifae in Vaticano solidus in alvo spcctatus sit infans. Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. viii. cap. 14.


     


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    isles, speaks thus: "There are serpents in these islands of immoderate size; there is one called Ibitin, very long, which suspending itself by the tail from the trunk of a tree, waits till stags, bears, and also men pass by, in order to attract them with its breath, and devour them at once entirely:" from whence it is evident, that this very ancient fable has been common to both continents. (n)

    Mr. de Paw would perhaps say, that these monstrous animals were formerly seen in the old continent when its clime was not yet perfected. But when that which the ancients wrote is compared with that which we know of Asia and Africa at present, who is there that will not perceive that the climate of those countries is at present, for the most part, what it was two thousand years ago; that there is the same heat, the same dryness or humidity, the same kind of plants, animals, and men, &c. Besides, even in our days, various forts of monstrous animals have been seen in those regions which infinitely surpass those analogous to them in the new world. In what country of America could M. de Paw find ants to equal those of the Philippine islands, called Sulum, respecting which Hernandez (o) affirms, that they are six singers broad in length, and one in breadth? Who has ever seen in America butterflies so large as those of Bourbon, Ternate, the Philippine isles, and all the Indian Archipelago? The largest bat of America (native to hot shady countries) which is that called by Buffon vampiro, is, according to him, of the size of a pigeon. La Rougette, one of the species of Asia, is as large as a raven; and the Roussette, another species of Asia, is as

    __________
    (n) See Bomare on the Minia of Africa, and the Reinberah of Ceylon.

    (o) Hern. Hist. Insector. N. Hisp. cap. 30.


     


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    big as a large hen. (p) Its wings, when extended, measure from tip to tip three Parisian feet, and according to Gemelli, who measured it in the Philippine isles, (q) six palms. Mr. Buffon acknowledges the excess in size of the Asiatic bat over the American species, but denies it as to number. Gemelli says, that those of the island of Luzon were so numerous that they darkened the air, and that the noise which they made with their teeth, in eating the fruits of the woods, was heard at the distance of two miles. (r) M. de Paw says, in talking of serpents, (s) "it cannot be affirmed that the new world has shewn any serpents larger than those which Mr. Adamson saw in the deserts of Africa." The greatest serpent found in Mexico, after a diligent search made by Hernandez, was eighteen feet long; but this is not to be compared with that of the Moluccas, which Bomare says is thirty-three feet in length; (t) nor with the Anacandaja of Ceylon, which the same author says is more than thirty-three feet long; (u) nor with others of Asia and Africa, mentioned by the same author. lastly, the argument drawn from the multitude and size of the American insects is fully as weighty as the argument drawn from the smallness and scarcity of quadrupeds, and both detect the same ignorance, or rather the same voluntary and studied forgetfulness of the things of the old continent.

    __________
    (p) Buffon, Hist. Nat. tom. xix.

    (q) Gemelli, turn. v.

    (r) What Gemelli says respecting the surprising noise of the bats of the island of Luzon is confirmed by several persons worthy of credit, who have been some years in that island.

    (s) Defense des Recherch. Philosoph. chap. 22.

    (t) Bomare Diction. Univ. d' Histoire Natur. V. Couleuvre.

    (u) Id. V. Anacandaja.


     


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    With respect to what Mr. de Paw has said of the tribute of lice in Mexico, in that, as well as in many other things, he discovers his ridiculous faith. It is true that Cortes found bags of lice in the magazines of the palace of king Axajacatl. It is also true, that Montezuma imposed such a tribute, not on all his subjects however, but only on those who were beggars, not on account of the extraordinary multitude of those insects, as Mr. de Paw affirms, but because Montezuma, who could not suffer idleness in his subjects, resolved that that miserable set of people, who could not labour, should at least be occupied in lousing themselves. (x) This was the true reason of such an extravagant tribute, as Torquemada, Betancourt, and other historians relate, and nobody ever before thought of that which Mr. de Paw affirms merely because it suited his preposterous system. Those disgusting insects possibly abound as much in the hair and clothes of American beggars, as of any poor and uncleanly low people in the world; but there is not a doubt that if any sovereign of Europe was to exact such tribute from the poor in his dominions, not only bags but great vessels might be filled with them.

    Lastly, to reserve the examination of the proofs of the bad climate of America, founded on the diseases and defects of the physical constitution of the Americans to another dissertation, in which we will demonstrate the errors and puerile prejudices of Mr. de Paw, let us attend to what he says on the excess of cold in the countries of the new world with respect to those of the old, which are situate at an equal distance from the equator.

    __________
    (u) It is certain that Montezuma was extremely attentive to cleanliness, as well as an enemy to idleness; it is therefore extremely probable that from both these motives he was induced to impose that extraordinary tribute.


     


    172                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    "Comparing," he says, "the experiments made with thermometers in Peru, by Mess. Condamine and d' Ulloa with those of the indefatigable Mr. Adanson in Senegal, it is easily understood, that the air is less hot in the new than in the old world. Upon calculating, with the greatest possible exactness, the difference of temperature, I believe it will be found equal to twelve degrees of latitude; that is, it is as hot in Africa at thirty degrees from the equator as at eighteen degrees from the same line in America. The liquor did not mount to so great a height in Peru in the torrid zone as it mounted in France at the greatest heat of the summer. Quebec, although it is in the same latitude almost with Paris, has an incomparably more severe and cold climate than it. The difference between Hudson's Bay and the Thames, situate both in the same latitude, is equally sensible."

    Although we should grant all this to Mr. de Paw, it would not afM him to demonstrate the malignity of the American clime. Why would he deduce the badness of clime from the excess of cold in the lands of America, and not rather deduce the badness of climate of the old continent from the excess of heat in countries equidistant from the equator? Mr. de Paw can form no argument in this point against America, which the Americans cannot powerfully retort against Europe or against Africa. But all the observations made by him are not sufficient to establish, as a general principle, that the countries of the new world are colder than those of the old continent situated in the same latitude; and still less to make it be believed that there is as much heat in the old continent at thirty degrees of latitude as in the new world at eighteen degrees. Mr. de Paw


     


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    Says, (y) that the cold beyond the eightieth degree in the old continent ought to become in November so destructive to men that no mortal could live there; therefore no men should be able to live in America beyond the seventy-seventh degree. How then does he affirm, that in the country of the Esquimeaux there are inhabitants found beyond the seventy-fifth degree of latitude? And if the feeble Americans can subsist in that latitude, we may believe that the hardiest Europeans would be able to bear the cold of the eightieth degree. Farther, if this principle were true, it would be as cold in Jerusalem, situated in little less than thirty-two degrees, as in Vera Cruz, which is situated in little less than twenty degrees; which idea none but Mr. de Paw is capable of entertaining. In like manner other absurd consequences might be deduced, particularly if we were to adopt the calculation of Dr. Michell, who, according to what Dr. Robinson says, concluded, after thirty-three years observation, that the difference between the climate of the old and that of the new world is from fourteen to fifteen degrees, that is, it is as hot in the countries of the old continent at twenty-nine or thirty degrees as in the countries of the new continent, which are at fifteen degrees. It is certain that as there are many countries in America more cold than others of the old continent equidistant from the equator, there are also others more hot. Agra, the capital of Mogul, and the port of Loretto in California, are nearly in the same latitude, and still the heat of that Asiatic city is not comparable to that of the American port. Hue, the capital of Cochin-china and Acapulco, are almost equidistant from

    __________
    (y) Recherches Philosophiques, part iii. sect. i. p. mihi 304.


     


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    the equator, and yet the air of Hue is cool in comparison of that of Acapulco. That other proposition of Mr. de Paw is equally false and improbable, namely, that in the centre of the torrid zone the liquor of the thermometer does not rise to so great a height as it does in Paris in the greatest heat of summer. If that was true, the difference between the American and European climates would not be only twelve degrees, as Mr. de P. would make it, but forty-nine, that is as much as the difference of latitude between the centre of the torrid zone and Paris. It is true, that according to the observations made in Quito and compared with those made in Paris, the heat of that equinoctial city never equals that of Paris in the summer; but it is equally certain, that according to the observations made by the same academicians with the same thermometers, in the city of Carthagena, which is not the centre of the torrid zone, but ten degrees from it, that the usual heat of this city is equal to the greatest heat of Paris, agreeably to the testimony of Ulloa, one of the observers. (z)

    There are many reasons, besides vicinity to or distance from the equator, which make a country hot or cold. The elevation of the soil, the neighbourhood of some lofty mountain covered with snow, abundance of rains, &c. contribute much to the coolness of the atmosphere; and, on the contrary, low ground, scarcity of water, drowths, &c. must increase the heat. Cividad Real, the capital of the diocess of Chiapa, because it is situated on a high ground, is cool; and the city of

    __________
    (z) In the year 1735, at Carthagena, the liquor of the thermometer of Reaumur kept at 1025 1/2, without any variation, except that sometimes it fell to 1024, or rose to 1026. At Paris, the same year, it never rose higher than 1025 1/2, in the greatest heats of July and August. Ulloa Relation del Viage a la America Meridional, part i. tom. I.


     


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    Chiapa, of the Indians, at a little distance from it, is extremely hot, because it is situated very low. Chachicomula, a large village, situated at the foot of the very lofty mountain Ozizaba, is cool, but Vera Cruz, placed in the same latitude, is very hot; and what is more, the air of Cividad Real is cool in the latitude of 16 1/2, and that of Loretto, in California, in lat. 25 1/2, is very hot.

    The observations made by M. de Paw convince us that the climate of America is not so various as that of Europe; that the inhabitants of the new world are not like those of the greater part of Europe, obliged to endure the alternate extremes of excessive cold, and intolerable heat. The more uniform a climate, the more easily are men familiarized to it, and escape those pernicious effects which follow a vicissitude of seasons. In Quito the thermometer does not rise so high as it does in Paris in the summer; but neither does it fall so low as it does in the temperate climes of Europe in winter. What can be more desirable in a climate than a temperature of air which is equally distant from either extreme, such as that of Quito, and the greater part of Mexico? What climate more sweet and kind to life than that in which the delights of the country are enjoyed all the year, and the earth is continually adorned with herbs and flowers; where the fields are covered with corn, and the trees loaded with fruit; the herds and the flocks spare man his fatigues, and have no need of his provision to maintain them, or his roof to resist the inclemency of the weather; neither snow nor frost compel him to keep near a fire, nor do burning heats in summer check his increase; but constantly experiencing the bounty of nature towards him, he enjoys equally in all seasons the


     


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    social converse of his fellow-creatures, or the innocent recreations of the country. This is the idea entertained by man of a perfect climate; and the poets, therefore, when they strove to extol the happiness of certain countries, used to say, that a perpetual spring reigned in them; as Virgil said of his Italy, (a) and Horace of the Fortunate isles, (b) to which he invited his countrymen. Thus the ancients represented the Elysian fields; and also in the Holy Writings, in order to convey some idea of the felicity of heavenly Jerusalem, it is said, that there, there is no heat nor cold.

    Acosta, whose history is called by M. de Paw an excellent work, and who was acquainted with the climes of both continents, and at the same time was not partial to America, nor had any interest in extolling it, treating of the American clime, he speaks thus: (c) "When I perceived the mildness of the air, and sweetness of the climate of many countries of America, where it is not known what thing winter is that contracts, or summer which relaxes with heat; where a mat is sufficient for defence from every inclemency of the weather; where it is scarcely necessary to alter clothing through the whole year; considering, I say, all this, I have many times thought, and I even think at this moment, that if men would disengage themselves from the snares which avarice lays for them, and abandon useless and vexatious pretensions, they might lead in America a life of tranquillity and pleasure; for that which the poets sing of the Elysian fields, or the famous Tempe,

    __________
    (a) Hic ver assiduum atque albinis mensibus aeflas; Bis gravida pecudes, bis pomis utilis arbos. Virg. Georg. ii.

    (b) Verubi longum, tepidasque praebet Jupiter brumas. Horat. lib. ii. ode 4.

    (c) Stor. Nat. e Mor. lib. ii. cap. 14.


     


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    "and that which Plato told, or feigned, of his island Atlantida, are both to be found in those lands, &c." Other historians speak the same thing as Acosta of America, and particularly of Mexico and its surrounding provinces, the inland countries of which, from the isthmus of Panama unto the 40th degree of latitude (for those beyond that degree of latitude have not yet been discovered), enjoy a mild air, and a climate favourable to life, excepting a few places, which, either by their being low, are moist and hot, or by being very high, are rather severe in climate. But how many in the old world are not severe and noxious?
     



    SECT. III.

    On the Dualities of the Land of Mexico.

    It is certain, says Mr. de Paw, that America in general has been, and is at present, a very barren country; but it is rather more certain that this is in general a gross error; and if M. de Paw wishes to assure himself of it, he may obtain information from many Germans, lately come from America, where some of them have been for many years, and are at present in Austria, in Bohemia, in the Palatinate of the Rhine, and even in Prussia; or he may re-peruse that excellent work of Acosta, and he will find there, in book ii. chap. 14. That if there is any land in the world to which the name of Paradise may be applied, it is that of America. This is the expression of a learned, judicious, and impartial European, born in Spain, one of the best countries in Europe; and speaking, in book iii. of the countries of the Mexican empire, he says, that New Spain is the best country of all those which the sun surrounds. Certainly


     


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    Acosta would not speak thus of America in general, and of New Spain in particular, under which name the continent of Spanish North America is comprehended, if America were in general a barren country. Many other Europeans speak not less favourably of America, and particularly of Mexico, whose testimony we must omit, to avoid seeming prolix to our readers. (d) From the same motive we shall omit also what Mr. de Paw has written against other countries of the new world, as it would be impossible to examine the complaints made by him against each of them, without filling a large volume; we shall therefore confine ourselves to what belongs to Mexico.

    Messieurs Buffon and de Paw are persuaded that all the territory of America is composed of inaccessible mountains, impenetrable woods and wastes, watry plains and marshes. Those philosophers have read in the descriptions of America, that the famous Andes, or American Alps, formed two large chains of lofty mountains, covered in part with snow; that the vast desart of the Amazons consists of thick woods; that Guayaquil, and some other places, are moist and marshy; and so much they have thought sufficient to warrant them to say, that America is nothing but mountains, woods and marshes. Mr. de Paw read in the history of Gumilla that which the author says about the method which the Indians of Oroonoko had of preparing the terrible poison of their

    __________
    (d) Thomas Gages, the oracle of the English and French, with respect to America, speaking of Mexico, says as follows: "Il ne manque rien a Mexique de topt ce qui peut rendre une ville heuruse; et fi ces ecrivains qui ont employe leurs plumes a louer les provinces de Grenade en Espagne et de Lombardie et de Toscanie en Italic dont ils font des paradis terrestres, auroient vu ce nouvean monde et la ville de Mexique, ils fe dediroient bientot de tout ce qu'ils ont dit en faveur de ces lieux la." Parte i. chap. 22. Thus does an author who could scarcely speak favourably of any thing, represent Mexico.


     


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    arrows; and in the history of Herrera, or other authors, that the Cannibals, and other barbarous nations, made use of poisoned arrows; and this was enough for him to say, that the new continent produces a greater number of poisonous herbs than all the rest of the world. He read that neither corn nor the fruits of Europe grow in very hot countries; and that was sufficient for him to say, that peaches and apricots have only borne fruit in the island of Juan Fernandez (e) and that corn and barley have not thriven but in a few countries of the North. Such is the logic adopted by Mr. de Paw through all his work.

    But of all that he says against America, nothing holds true with respect: to Mexico. There are certainly very lofty mountains in Mexico, eternally covered with snow: there are large woods, and also some marshy places in it; but the fertile and cultivated soil forms beyond comparison the far greater part of it, as is well known to all those who have visited that country. In all that immense space of land, where wheat, barley, maize, and other kind of grain and pulse with which that country abounds, are sown at present; they formerly sowed maize, pepper, beans, cacao, chia, cotton, and inch like plants, which served for the sustenance, clothing, and luxuries of those people, who having been so numerous as we have already mentioned, and shall elsewhere demonstrate,

    __________
    (e) In order to shew how extremely distant Mr. de Paw is from the truth, we must here observe, that on the miserable island of Juan Fernandez, where he says that peaches ripen well, they on the contrary are small, and very indifferent, according to the information we have had from Abbe D. G. Garcia, who was there seven months, and particularly while the season of fruit lasted. On the other hand, in almost all the temperate and cold countries of Spanish America, where he imagines peaches do not grow, they thrive surprisingly; and in many places, particularly of Chili, and in some of New Spain, they ripen better than in Europe.


     


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    could not have been able to have provided for their necessities: if the country had been nothing but mountain, wood, and marsh.. Mr. de Buffon, who in his first vol. says, that America is nothing but a continued marsh, and in vol. v. affirms, that the inaccessible mountains of America scarcely leave any small spaces for agriculture, and the habitation of men, in the same vol. v. confesses that the people of Mexico and Peru were very numerous. But if those people who occupied a very large part of America were very numerous, and lived as he says in societies, and under the control of laws, America is certainly not a continued marsh: if those people supported themselves, as is certain they did, on corn and fruits which they cultivated, the spaces are not small which the mountains leave for agriculture, and the habitation of men.

    The multitude, variety and excellence of the plants of Mexico, leave us in no doubt of the very singular fertility of its lands. The pasture grounds, says Acosta, of New Spain are excellent, and breed accordingly an innumerable quantity of horses, cows, sheep, and other animals. It is also as abundant in fruit as in any kind of grain. In short, there is no grain, pulse, kitchen herbs, or fruit, which does not thrive in that soil. The wheat, which Mr. de Paw scarcely allows to some countries of the North, does not grow in general in the hot lands of New Spain, as it does not in the greater part of Africa, and many other parts of the old continent; but in the cool and temperate lands of that kingdom it thrives well, and is more abundant than it is in Europe.

    It is sufficient to say, that the quantity gathered in the diocefs of Angelopoli is so great, that with what remained, after all its numerous inhabitants were provided,


     


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    they supplied the Antilles, and the fleet of ships which formerly came to Havanna, under the name of Armata de Barlovento. In Europe there is but one seed-time, and one harvest. In New Spain there are several. "In those lands," says the European author Torquemada, who was there many years, and travelled through the whole kingdom, "where they cultivate wheat, in every season of the year may be seen one crop reaping, another ripening, another still green, and another sowing," which plainly demonstrates the wonderful fertility of the soil. The same author makes mention of several lands which yielded seventy, eighty, or an hundred for one; and as great a multiplication of wheat has been seen in some fields of those countries by us; (f) which, speaking in general, is certainly greater than that of Europe, and with less cultivation, as is well known to European superintendants of agriculture who have been in that part of America. What we say of wheat we can also say of barley, although this is not sown but in proportion to the consumption there is made of it, in the support of horses, mules, and hogs. We might say still more of maize, which is the grain peculiarly native to America.

    Mr. de Paw pretends that all the plants of Europe have degenerated in America, except aquatic and juicy plants; and to prove this absurd notion, he says that peaches and apricots have borne fruit in the island of

    __________
    (f) We have been in a country of America, where the land yielded commonly fifty for one, and sometimes an hundred for one. In Cinaloa, although it is a cold country, the land, we have been credibly informed, yields two hundred for one. Our learned friend, the Abbe Molina in his history of Chili, lays, that the land of that kingdom, usually yields an hundred and fifty for one. The plenty of grain is so great, that it is sold at five paoli the fanega, and every year about thirty vessels loaded with it come to Peru.


     


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    Juan Fernandez only. Although we should grant that those fruits grow in no country of America, it would not avail him to prove what he intends to prove, but even this particular is as false as his general proposition. Acosta, treating of those fruits in particular, says, "Peaches, quinces, and apricots grow well in America, but best in New Spain." (g) In all New Spain, except the hot countries, those fruits, and all others transplanted from Europe, have thriven and grow in abundance. (h) "lastly," says Acosta, speaking of America in general, "almost every thing good which is produced in Spain grows there, sometimes better, and sometimes not; wheat, barley, sallads, kitchen-herbs, pulse, &c." (h) If he had spoken only of New Spain, he would have omitted that almost.

    "There is also another advantage," says Acosta, "which is, that the things of Europe are better in America than those of America are in Europe." But this may appear but a small advantage to Mr. de Paw. It alone would be sufficient however to demonstrate that, if there is any preference, it is to be given to America, In New Spain, many European authors attest, and all who have been there know, that wheat, barley, and every grain of Europe; peas, beans, and every other pulse; lettuces, cabbages, turnips, asparagus, and other sallads and roots, and every sort of kitchen herbs;

    __________
    (g) Acosta, lib. It. cap. 31. Peaches are so plentiful in New Spain, that they are sold by twenties; and for the smallest currency there, two, three, or four twenties are given. In the kingdom of Chili, they count twelve different species of peaches, some of which are so large as to weigh a pound Spanish, or sixteen ounces. Molina Stor. del Chili.

    (h) Pears are also sold in twenties at Mexico; and there are upwards of fifty species of them.

    (i) Acosta, lib. iv. cap. 31.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                     183


    peaches, apples, pears, quinces, and other fruits; carnations, roses, violets, jessamines, sweet-basil, mint, marjoram, balm gentle, and other flowers and odorous plants brought from Europe all prosper there: but in Europe the plants of America do not, nor can in general come to perfection. Wheat grows in the lands of Europe, but much smaller, and not so good as that of America. Of the many delicious fruits of the new world, some, such as the musa and ananas, have thriven in the gardens of the princes of Europe, by means of hot-houses, and great care and attention, but not so well flavoured, or in such abundance, as in their native climes. Others still more valuable than these, such as the chirimoya, the mamey, and chicozapote have not yet, as far as we know, been made to grow, notwithstanding the studied efforts of European industry for that purpose. The cause of this great difference between America and Europe is that which Acosta mentions: that in America there is a greater variety of climate than in Europe; from whence it is more easy to give each plant a temperature proper for it. As it is not an argument of the sterility of Europe, that the plants proper to America do not thrive in it, neither is it an argument of the sterility of some countries of America, that some plants of Eu» rope do not thrive in them; because non omnia fert omnis tellus. Hic segetes ibi proueniunt felicius uvae. On the contrary, the hot countries in which wheat and European fruits do not ripen, are yet the most pleasant and fruitful.

    We do not doubt that if a comparison is made of America with the old continent, they will be found equal in their productions: for Asia and Africa have lands and climes suited to all the plants of America, which, on


     


    184                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    account of the differences of their nature, could not succeed in Europe. But what advantage is it to Europeans that Asia has abundance while it is at so great a distance? On the contrary, the Mexicans being surrounded by countries of every sort of climate, enjoy all their different fruits. The market of Mexico, like that of many other cities of America, is the emporium of all the gifts of nature. There we find apples, peaches, apricots, pears, grapes, cherries, camotes, xicames, and other numerous fruits, roots, and savory herbs, which cool and temperate climes yield; ananas, musas, cocoas, anonas, chirimoyas, mameys, chicozapotes, zapotes, and many others which hot countries produce; melons, cucumbers, oranges, pomegranates, and others which cold or hot countries equally produce. At all seasons of the year their market is abundantly provided with variety of excellent fruits, even at those times when the Europeans must content themselves with their chesnuts, or at most with apples and grapes, which their industry has preserved. Through all the year, even in the severity of winter, vessels enter their market by one of the innumerable canals of the city, loaded with such variety of fruits, flowers, and herbs, that it seems as if all the seasons of the year offered their productions at once; the most valuable plants of Europe, as well as all the native productions of Mexico being collected there; which all Europeans who have visited that part can testify.

    Nor is that land less abundant in plants of medicinal nature. To be satisfied of this truth, it will be sufficient to look into the work of the celebrated naturalist Hernandez; in which nine hundred plants, that are for the most part produced in the neighbourhood of Mexico, are described and designed, whose virtues have been ascertained


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                     185


    by experience; besides three hundred others, the uses of which are not mentioned; and without doubt there are innumerable others yet undiscovered. Mr. de Paw, on the contrary, says that America produces a greater number of poisonous plants than all the rest of the world. But what does he know of the plants which are bred in the inland countries of Africa and Asia, to enable him to make a comparison? The soil of America is so fertile, that it is not to be wondered at if there is abundance of every fort in it. But to mention the truth, we do not know that one twentieth part of those poisonous plants which are produced in the old continent have been discovered in New Spain.

    With respect to gums, resins, oils, and other juices which the trees yield either spontaneously or with the aid of human industry, New Spain, says Acosta, excels: there are whole woods of acacia, which yields the true Arabian gum; but from its plenty it is not sufficiently valued. There is besides balsam, incense, copal of many species, liquid amber, tecamaca, oil of fir, and many other juices valuable for their fragrant odours, and medicinal virtues.

    Even those very woods with which the land of America is covered, as Buffon and de Paw affirm, demonstrate its fertility. There have been, and there are still, in these most extensive regions, great woods; but there are not so many as that a journey of five or six hundred miles may not be made without meeting one of them. And what kind of woods are they? for the most part consisting of fruit-bearing trees, such as the musa, mamey, apple, orange, and lemon, in the woods of Coatzacualco, Mifteca, and Michuacan; or of trees valuable for their wood or their gums, such as those


     


    186                                       HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                      


    which separate the vale of Mexico from the diocess of Angelopoli, and those of Chiapa, of the Zapotecas, &c. besides pines, oaks, ashes, hazels, firs, and a great many others, common to both continents. The trees peculiar to that land are in still greater number, and of more value. There are whole woods of cedar, as we have already mentioned. The conqueror Cortes was accused by his rivals before Charles V. of having used for the palace which he made be built in Mexico, seven thousand beams of cedar; and he excused himself by saying that it was a common wood in that country. It is in fact so very common, that they make the stakes for the foundation of houses in the marshy places of the capital, of this wood. There are also woods of ebony, that so justly celebrated tree, in Chiapa, Yucatan, and Cozumel; of brasil wood in hot countries, and the odorous wood of aloes in Misteca. The Tapincoren, the Granadillo or red ebony, the Camote, and others which we have mentioned in our history, afford better timber than is to be had in Europe. lastly, to avoid a tedious enumeration, we refer the reader to Acosta, Hernandez, Ximenes, and other European authors who have been in New Spain, although all they say is not sufficient to convey a competent idea of the fertility of that land. Acosta affirms, that "as well in respect to number as to variety of trees produced by nature, there is a greater abundance in America than in Asia, Africa, and Europe." (k)

    The nature and quality of a soil is best discovered by the plants which it spontaneously produces without the assistance of art. Let us compare, then, the productions of Europe with those, not of America, but only

    __________
    (k) Acosta, lib. iv. cap. 30.


     


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    of New Spain. "The reason of there being so many " savages in America," says Montesquieu, (l) "is that the land there produces of itself many fruits on which they can feed." I believe that those advantages would not be obtained in Europe if the land were left to itself without culture; it would produce nothing but woods of oaks and other useless trees. "Examining," says M. de Paw, "the history and origin of our plants, our kitchen-herbs, our fruit-trees, and also our grains, we find they are all foreign, and have been transplanted from other climes to our own. We can easily imagine the misery of the ancient Gauls, and even that of the Germans, in whose land no fruit-trees were produced in the time of Tacitus. If Germany was to restore the foreign vegetables which are not originals of its soil or climate, almost none would remain, nor would it preserve among its seeds which serve for nourishment any but the wild poppy and the wild Vena." (m) What Mr. de Paw openly confesses respecting Germany and Gaul, might also be said of the other countries of Europe, and also of Greece and Italy, which supplied the others. If Italy was obliged to restore all those fruits which do not belong originally to its soil, what would remain but acorns? these terms, (malum Persicum, malum Medicum, Assyrium, Punicum, Cidonium, nux Pontica, &c.) serve to keep us in remembrance that those fruits came from Asia and from Africa. "It is known," says Mr. Busching, (n) "that the best and most beautiful fruits passed from Italy into those countries which produce them at present. Italy received them from Greece, from Asia, and from Africa. Apples

    __________
    (l) Montesquieu L' Esprit des Loix, lib. xviii. chap. 9.

    (m) Recherch. Philosoph. part i.

    (n) Busching Geograph. Tom. i.


     


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    "came to her from Egypt and Greece; apricots from Epirus; the pear from Alexandria, Numidia, and Greece; the lemon and orange from Medea, Assyria, and Persia; the fig from Asia; the pomegranate from Carthage; the chesnut from Catania in Magnesia, a province of Macedonia; almonds from Asia to Greece, and thence to Italy; the walnut from Persia; filberts from Ponto; olives from Cyprus; plums from Armenia; the peach from Persia; quinces from Cidonia in Candia to Greece, and thence to Italy."

    Pliny says, that men at first fed upon nothing but acorns. (d) This, though false with respect to men in general, appears to be true with respect to the first peoplers of Italy, at least such was the opinion of the ancients, as their writings shew. Pliny adds, that even in his time many people, from the want of grain, were esteemed rich in proportion to the quantity of acorns which they had, of the flour of which they made bread, as they do at present in Norway of the bark of the pine, and in other northern countries of bones of fishes; which is no small indication of their misery. Bomare declares that all the beauties of European gardens are foreign, (p) and that the most beautiful flowers they have come from the east. (q) Mr. de Paw makes a more general confession of the ancient misery of the Europeans, where he affirms that the useful plants which they have at present passed from the south of Asia into Egypt, from Egypt to Greece, from Greece into Italy, from Italy into Gaul, and from thence into Germany; (r) so that the soil of Europe, with respect to native and

    __________


    (o) Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. ii. J. cap. 56.

    (p) Bomare Diction. Univ. d' Historie Nat. V. Plante.

    (q) Id. V. Fleur.

    (r) Recherch. Philosoph. part i.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                     189


    Original productions, is one of the poorest and most barren in the world. On the contrary, how fruitful and abundant the American soil is, and especially that of Mexico, in native plants proper for nourishment and clothing, and the other necessaries of life, may be learned from reading the European authors who have written of the natural history of that new world.

    This is the answer to that ridiculous comparison which Herrera makes in his first Decad mentioned in the beginning of this dissertation. "In America," he says, “there were not, as in Europe, either lemons, oranges, pomegranates, figs, quinces, melons, grapes, olives, sugar, rice, or wheat." The Americans will then say, first, that Europe had none of those fruits until they were transplanted there from Asia and Africa; secondly, that at present these fruits grow in America as well as in Europe, and in general better of their kind and in greater plenty, particularly oranges, lemons, melons, and sugar canes; thirdly, that if America had not wheat, Europe had not maize, which is not less useful or wholesome; if America had not pomegranates, lemons, &c. it has them now: but Europe never had, has, nor can have, chirimoyas, ahuacates, musas, chicozapotes, &c.

    Finally, Mr. de Buffon, and Mr. de Paw, and other European philosophers and historians, who inveigh so much against America for its barrenness, its woods, its marshes, and deserts, will please to remember, that the miserable countries of Lapland, Norway, Iceland, Nova Zembla, Spitzbergen, and the vast horrid deserts of Siberia, Tartary, Arabia, Africa, and others, are countries of the old continent, and make at least the fourth part of its extent. Yet what countries are those? Let us attend to the eloquent description which Buffon gives


     


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    of the deserts of Arabia: "a country, he says, without verdure, and without water; a sun always burning, an atmosphere always dry, sandy plains, mountains still more parched, over which the eye roams in vain to six upon a single living object; a land, if we may say so, pale and excoriated with the winds, which presents nothing to the sight but bones, scattered stones, and rocks in pyramids or in ruins; a desert entirely bare, in which the adventurous traveller never bates under the shade, where there is nothing that can be made companiable to him, or preserve his remembrance of living nature: a solitude greatly more frightful than that of the woods; for the trees are at least animated substances, which afford some consolation to man, but here he finds himself alone, detached, more naked and more bewildered, in places that are waste and without boundary; all the soil which he views appears to him like his sepulchre; the light of the day, more melancholy than the shades of night, does not return but to make him see his nakedness and impotence, and set before him his horrible situation, lengthening to his sight the limits of the void, and enlarging around him the abyss of immensity which separate him from the habitable world; a space so immeasurable, that in vain he would attempt to pass it; for hunger, thirst, and burning heat, shorten the moments which remain to him between desperation and death.” (s)

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    (s) Buffon, Hist. Nat. Tom. xxii.


     

    [ 191 ]


    DISSERTATION IV.

    Of the Animals of Mexico.

    One of the arguments most insisted on by Buffon and de Paw, to illustrate the unhappy nature of the American soil, and the malignity of its clime, is the pretended degeneracy of animals, both of those which are native to that land, and those which have been transported there from the ancient continent. In the present dissertation we shall examine their proofs, and detect some of their errors and contradictions.

    SECT. I.

    Of the Animals proper to Mexico.

    All the animals which are found in the new, have passed there from the old world, as we have established in the first dissertation; and it is confessed also by Mr. Buffon himself, in the twenty-ninth volume of his Natural history; and it ought likewise to be credited, if we rely on the authority of the sacred writings in this point. We call those animals proper to Mexico which were found there by the Spaniards; not because they draw their origin from that land, as we are given to understand by Mr. de Paw in all his work, and by Mr. Buffon in the first twenty-eight volumes of his history; but only to distinguish those animals which, from time immemorial, were bred in those countries, from those others which were afterwards transported there from Europe: we shall therefore call the latter European, the former American.


     


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    The first ground of disparagement to America, with the count de Buffon, is the small number of its quadrupeds, compared with those of the old continent. He reckons two hundred species of quadrupeds hitherto discovered over all the globe, of which one hundred and thirty belong to the old continent, and only seventy to the new world. And if we take from this number the species which are common to both continents, we shall hardly find, he says, forty species of quadrupeds properly American. From these premises he infers that in America there has been a great scarcity of matter. (a)

    But why would he take from the seventy species of quadrupeds America has, those thirty which are common to both continents, as they, from their very ancient habitation in those countries, are as much American as the others? Besides, if those animals, which he calls properly American, had been created originally in America, with greater shew of probability he might have affirmed the supposed scarcity of matter in that part of the world. But all beasts having been Asiatic in their origin, as he himself confesses, we do not see his grounds for drawing such a conclusion. "Every animal," says Buffon, "when abandoned to its own instinct, seeks a zone and a region adapted to its nature," (b) Hence the cause of the small number of species of quadrupeds in America; because, upon supposition that animals after the deluge, when abandoned to their own instinct, fought a zone and a region suitable to their natures, and found it in the countries of the old continent, they had no occasion to make so long a journey as to America: if the animals, instead of being saved on the mountains of

    __________
    (a) Hist. Nat. tom. xxiii.

    (b) Ibid. tom, xxix.


     


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    Armenia, had been collected on the American Alps, by the same way of reasoning the number of species of quadrupeds in the old continent would have been less, and the American philosopher would have been liable to censure, who, from such an incident, would have endeavoured to infer the prodigious scarcity of matter, and barren niggard sky of that which we call the old continent.

    But although all those quadrupeds were actually original in America, we ought not from thence to infer the supposed scarcity of matter, because a country cannot be said to have a scarcity of matter which has the number of species of its quadrupeds proportioned to its extent. The extent of America is the third part of the whole earth, therefore it cannot be said that there is a scarcity of matter there, when it has a third part of all the species of quadrupeds. The species of quadrupeds, according to Buffon, are two hundred, of which America has seventy, which is something more than a third; it cannot therefore be said that there is a scarcity of matter there.

    Hitherto we have reasoned on the supposition that what Mr. Buffon has said was true with respect to the number of species of quadrupeds; but who is certain of this, as the real distinguishing character of species has not yet been discovered? Mr. Bufson, as well as several other naturalists who have written after him, believe, that the sole indubitable proof of the specific difference of two animals, similar to each other in many circumstances and properties is, that of the male not being able to cover the female, and of producing by means of generation another individual that is fruitful and similar to themselves. But this proof of diversity of species, besides that it fails in some animals, is, with respect to others, very difficult to be determined. To shew the


     


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    uncertainty of it, let us put an ass and a mare together, and a mastiff and a greyhound together, two breeds of dogs extremely different. From this last couple is bred a dog, which partakes of mastiff and greyhound; from the first is produced a mule, which partakes also of the ass and the mare. I wish to know why the ass and the mare are two different species of quadrupeds, and the mastiff and the greyhound are only varieties of one species. Because this last couple, says Buffon, generates a fruitful individual, the other not. But how? Mr. Buffon in the twenty-ninth volume of his history, freely affirms, that the mules not being able to conceive is not because they are absolutely impotent, but only on account of the excessive heat and extraordinary convulsions which they suffer in coition. Mr. Bomare, (c) after having cited the testimony of Aristotle, who reports, in his history of Animals, that in his time the mules of Syria springing from horses and asses, produced young mules similar to themselves, adds, "This fact, related by a philosopher so worthy of faith, proves that mules are animals specifically fruitful in themselves, and in their Posterity."Similar cases, shewing the fruitfulness of mules, are to be found attested by many authors, ancient as well as modern, worthy of credit; and some cases have happened of this kind in our own time in Mexico. (d) There is no other dissimilarity therefore between those two pair of quadrupeds, except that the births of the bitches generated by that couple of dogs are more frequent than those of the mules.

    __________
    (c) Diction. d' Histoire Nat. V. Mulet.

    (d) amongst others worthy of mention are the repeated births of a mule got by an ass and a mare, on the farm called Forest of Zurita, near to the city of Lagos, the property of D. F. G. Rubalcaba. This mule conceived by an ass, and brought forth a mule in 1762, and another in 1763.


     


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    Besides, who has informed Mr. Buffon, that the Gibbon and Magoto, the Mammon and Pappion (four sorts of apes), do not copulate together, and produce a fruitful individual? The author has not made any experiment of it, nor cited any other naturalist who had; and notwithstanding he decides that all the above mentioned quadrupeds are so many different species. The distinction of the species of quadrupeds adopted by him is therefore very doubtful and uncertain, and we cannot know whether certain quadrupeds, which he reckons different species, are not one single species; and on the contrary, if others which he believes to be one species, may not be specifically different.

    But leaving this aside, it would be sufficient to cause a great diffidence of the division which Mr. Buffon has made of quadrupeds, to perceive the contradictions which appear in this and the other parts of his history, though in other respects it is extremely valuable. In the discourse which he gives in the twenty-ninth volume, on the Degeneracy of Animals, he affirms, that if we are to enumerate the quadrupeds proper to the new continent, we shall find fifty different species; and in the enumeration which he makes of the quadrupeds of both continents, he says, that those of America hardly make forty species. In the above enumeration he reckons the tame goat, the fhamois goat, and wild goat, three different species; and in vol. xxiv. Treating of those animals, he says, that those three quadrupeds, and the other six or seven species of goats, which are distinguished by different names, are all of one and the same species. So that we ought to abate the eight or nine species from the one hundred and thirty which he numbers in the old continent. In the above mentioned enumeration he


     


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    counts the dog, the mouse, and marmotte; and adds, that no one of those quadrupeds was in America; but treating afterwards of the animals common to both continents, he says, that the marmots and mice are common to each continent, although it is difficult to decide if such American quadrupeds are of the same species with those of the old continent; and in vol. xvi. he affirms, that mice were carried to America in European vessels. With respect to dogs, which, in the above enumeration, he denies to America, he grants them to it in vol. xxx. for he affirms that the Xoloitzcuintli, the Itzcuintepotzotli, and Techichi, were three different breeds of the same species of dogs with those of the old continent. This sketch is sufficient to shew that Mr. Buffon, notwithstanding his great genius and great diligence, sometimes forgets what he has written.

    Among the one hundred and thirty species of quadrupeds of the old continent, he enumerates seven species of bats common in France and other countries of Europe, five of which, that were hitherto unknown and confounded with others, were lately discovered and distinguished by Mr. Daubenton, as he affirms in vol. xvi of his History. If then in learned France, where so many centuries have been passed in the study of natural history, five species of bats were hitherto unknown, what wonder is it that in the vast regions of America, where no such able naturalists have gone yet, and where but lately that study has been in esteem, should remain many species of quadrupeds still unknown? We do not doubt that if there had been some Buffons and Daubentons in the new world, they would have been able to have counted a few more quadrupeds than he numbers from Paris, where he cannot be informed respecting


     


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    American animals, as he is about those which are European. We feel extreme regret that a philosopher so celebrated, so ingenious, so learned, and so eloquent, who has endeavoured to write of all the quadrupeds of the world, distinguishes their species, families, and breeds, describes their character, disposition, and manners, numbers their teeth, and even measures their tails, should at the same time shew himself ignorant of the most common animals of Mexico. What quadruped is more common or more known in Mexico than the coyote? All the historians of that kingdom make mention of it, and Hernandez gives an exact and minute description of it in his history; which is most frequently cited by Buffon; yet this author makes not the least mention of it under that or any other name. (e) Who does not know that the rabbit was a quadruped excessively common in the provinces of the Mexican empire, under the name of Tochtli? That the figure of it was one of the four characters of the Mexican years, and that the hair of its belly was woven into waistcoats for the use of the nobles in winter? Notwithstanding Mr. Buffon will make the rabbit one of those quadrupeds which were transported from Europe to America; but, among all the European historians of Mexico, we have not found one who thinks fo; on the contrary, all suppose, that it has from time immemorial inhabited those countries, and we do not doubt that the Mexicans, as often as they read this singular anecdote, must smile at the count de Buffon.

    __________
    (e) The animals of the old continent, which most referable the Cojote, are the Chacal, the Adive, and the Isatis; but it is different from them. The Chacal is of the size of a fox, the Cojote is twice as large. The Chacals go always in herds of thirty or forty together; the Cojotes, in general, alone. The Adive is still smaller and weaker than the Chacal. The Isatis is peculiar to the frigid zone, and shuns the woods; but the Cojote loves the woods, and inhabits warm and temperate countries


     


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    Hernandez enumerates, in his history of Quadrupeds, four Mexican animals of the class of dogs, mentioned by us in book I. of this history: the first, the Xoloitzcuintli, or hairy dog; the second, the Itzcuintepotzotli, or hunchback dog; the third, the Techichi, or eatable little dog; and the fourth, the Tepeitzcuintli, or little mountain dog. These four very different species of dogs have been reduced by the count de Buffon to one single species. He says, that Hernandez was deceived in what he wrote of the Xoloitzcuintli, for no other author makes mention of it, and therefore it ought to be believed that that quadruped was transported there from Europe, since Hernandez himself affirms, that he saw it first in Spain, and that it had no name in Mexico, as Xoloitzcuintli is the proper name of the wolf, given by Hernandez to that other quadruped; that all those dogs were known in Mexico by the generic name of Alco. Here, in a few words, we have a mass of errors. The name Alco, or Allco, neither is Mexican, nor ever was used in Mexico, but in South America. That of Xoloitzcuintli is not the name of the wolf, nor do we know that it was ever called so by any one at Mexico. The Mexicans call the wolf Cuetlachtli, and in some places where they do not speak Mexican properly, they call it Tecuani, which is a generic name for wild beasts. It is evident besides, from the very text of Hernandez, which we here subjoin, (f) that neither the Xoloitzcuintli was transported from Europe to Mexico, nor was such a name given to it by

    __________
    (f) Praeter canes notos nostro orbi qui omnes pene ab Hispanis translati ad Indos in his plagis hodie educantur, dua alia offendas genera, quorum primum antequam huc me conferrem, vidi in Patria, caeteros vero neque conspexeram neque adhuc co delatos puto. Primus Xoloitzcuintli vocatus alioe corporis vincit magnitudine, &e. Hern. Hist. Quadrup. N. Hisp. cap. 20.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                     199


    Hernandez, but that it was the name by which the Mexicans themselves used to call it. Hernandez had seen that quadruped in Spain, because it had been transported there from Mexico, as he mentions himself, where he had also seen in the gardens of Philip II. several Mexican plants. But why has no other author made mention of the Xoloitzcuintli? because neither before nor since his time has any one undertaken to write a history of Mexican quadrupeds; and the historians of that kingdom have been contented to mention some of the commonest animals. Moreover every wise and impartial person should necessarily give more credit to Hernandez in the Natural history of Mexico, as he employed himself in it so many years by order of king Philip II. and as he observed with his own eyes the animals of Mexico, of which he wrote and informed himself from the speech of the Mexicans themselves, whose language he learned, than to the count de Buffon, who, although more ingenious and more eloquent, had no other lights concerning Mexican animals than those which he procured from the works of Hernandez, or from the relations of some other author, not so deserving of credit as that learned and skilful naturalist.

    The count de Buffon would make the Tepeitzcuintli of Hernandez, the glutton, a quadruped which is common in the northern countries of both continents; but whoever will compare the description which the count de Buffon makes of the glutton with that which Hernandez gives of the Tepeitzcuintli, will immediately discern the most striking difference between those two quadrupeds. (g) The glutton is, according to the count de Buffon,

    __________
    (g) Buffon, Hist. Nat. tom. xxvii. Hernandez, Hist. Quadrup. N. Hisp. cap. xxi.


     


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    a native of the cold countries of the North, the tepeitzcuintli, of the torrid zone; the glutton is, according to count de Buffon, twice as large as the badger. The tepeitzcuintli is, as Hernandez says, parvi canis magnitudine. The glutton is so named on account of its incredible and dreadful voracity, which even impels it to dig up dead carcasses to eat them; Hernandez says nothing of any such quality in the tepeitzcuintli, and he certainly would not have omitted what constitutes its chief character: on the contrary, he affirms that the tepeitzcuintli becomes domestic, and seeds upon the yolks of eggs and bread soaked in hot water; but a beast so carnivorous as the glutton could never support itself on such diet. In short, to omit other arguments of their diversity, the skin of the glutton is, as count de Buffon says, as valuable as that of the zibelline; (h) but we do not know that the skin of the tepeitzcuintli was ever esteemed or made use of.

    The xoloitzcuintli therefore being different from the wolf and the tepeitzcuintli from the glutton, and those four American quadrupeds of the class of dogs, being very different from each other in size, in disposition, and many other remarkable circumstances, notwithstanding that they couple together, and can procreate a third individual, which is fruitful, we ought to conclude that they are four different species; and therefore these three species, which count de Buffon has unjustly taken from America, ought to be restored to it.

    We should never finish if we were to mention all the mistakes of this author respecting American quadrupeds; but merely to shew that the number of seventy species

    __________
    (h) Bomare says, that the skin of the glutton is more valued by the people of Kamtschatka than the zibelline; and that in Sweden it is much in demand, and very dear.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                     201


    ascribed by him to America is not just, but different, and even contrary to what he has written in the course of his history, we shall subjoin to this dissertation a list of American quadrupeds taken from that history, to which we shall add the quadrupeds which he confounds with others which are different, and those which he has entirely omitted; from which it will appear how far he has been from the truth, in saying that in America there has been a prodigious scarcity of matter. For in order to determine such a scarcity, it is not enough to know that the species are few in number, but it would be necessary also to demonstrate that the individuals of such species are also few in number; for if the individuals of the seventy species of American quadrupeds are more numerous than those of the one hundred and thirty species of the old continent, although the nature of them were less various, still it would not prove a greater scarcity of matter. It would be necessary, besides, to demonstrate, that the species of reptiles and birds are fewer, and also the individuals less numerous, as both of these serve to shew the abundance or scarcity of matter; but no one is so ignorant of the country of America, as to need to be informed of the incredible variety and surprising number of American birds. We should wish to know why nature, which has been so niggardly of quadrupeds to America, as count de Buffon and Mr. de Paw report, has been so prodigal of birds?

    These authors, not contented with diminishing the species of American quadrupeds, attempt also to lessen their stature: "All the animals of America," says count de Buffon, (i) "both those which have been

    __________
    (i) Hist. Nat. tom. xviii.


     


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    "transported by man, such as horses, asses, bulls, (beep, " goats, hogs, dogs, &c. and those which passed there by themselves, such as wolves, foxes, deer, and alcos, are considerably smaller in size than they are in Europe:" and this, he adds, is the case without any exception. This astonishing effect he ascribes to the niggard sky of America, to the combination of the elements, and other natural causes. "There was not," says Mr. de Paw, "one large animal under the torrid zone of the old continent. The largest quadruped amongst the natives of that country which exists at present in the new world between the tropics, is the tapir, which is about the size of a calf.” (k) "The most corpulent beast of the new continent," says count de Buffon, "is the tapir, which is about the size of a small mule; and next to it the cabiai, which is about the size of a middling hog."

    We have already demonstrated, in the preceding Dissertation, that although we should grant to those philosophers the supposed smallness of American quadrupeds, nothing could from thence be concluded against the land or climate of America: as according to the principles established by Mr. de Buffon already quoted by us, the larger kind of animals are peculiar to intemperate climes, and the smaller kind to climes which are mild and temperate; and if the advantages of climate are to be deduced from the size of quadrupeds, we would unquestionably say, that the climate of Africa and the south of Asia is much better than that of Europe. But if in America, when it was first discovered by the Europeans, there were no elephants, rhinocerosses, sea-horses, camels, &c. They were however "ones there, if we give

    __________
    (k) Recherch. Philosoph. part iii. sect. 2.


     


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    credit to de Paw, Sloane, Du Pratz, Lignay, and several other authors, who affirm the ancient existence of these great quadrupeds in America, founded on the discovery of bones, and entire skeletons of immense size, which were dug up in different places of the new world; likewise, if we believe what count de Button has written in the eighteenth volume of his history, there was formerly an animal seven times larger than the elephant, called by Mr. Muller the Mammout; (l) but in Europe there never was, nor can there be, any quadruped of such a size. There were no horses, asses, or bulls (m) in America until they were transported there from Europe; but neither were these in Europe until they were transported there, or brought from Asia. All animals drew their origin from Asia, and thence spread through other countries; the neighbourhood of Europe, and the commerce of the Asiatics with the Europeans, facilitated the passage of these animals into Europe; and with these also were introduced there some customs and inventions useful to life, of which the Americans were deprived,

    __________
    (l) According to the account given by Muller of this quadruped, it should be one hundred and thirty-three feet in length, and one hundred and five in height. The count de Buffon speaks thus of it in volume xvi. "The monstrous mammout, whose enormous bones we have frequently considered, and which we have conceived to be at least six times larger than those of the biggest elephant, exists no more." In volume xxii. he says, that he is allured that those immense bones have belonged to elephants seven or eight times larger than the one whose skeleton he had examined in the royal museum of Paris: but in his new work entitled Epoches de la Nature, he again affirms the former existence of that enormous quadruped in America.

    (m) When we say there were no bulls in America, we allude only to the common species employed in agriculture; for there were bisontes; which the count de Buffon sometimes thinks to be the common species; at other times he is doubtful of it.


     


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    on account of their distance from those countries, and the want of commerce.

    When count de Buffon affirmed, that the largest quadruped of the new world was the tapir, and the next the cabiai, he had entirely lost memory of the morse, sea-calves, bufflers, rein-deer, alcos, bears, and others. He himself confesses (n) that the sea-calf seen by Lord Anson and Rogers in America, and by them called the sea-lion, was incomparably larger than all the sea-calves of the old world. Who would compare the cabiai, which is not larger than a middling hog, with the bufflers and alcos? The bufflers are equal in general to the common bulls of Europe, and often exceed them in size. Let us attend to the description which Bomare makes of one of these quadrupeds transported from Louisiana to France, and measured exactly by that naturalist at Paris, in the year 1769. (o) There was an immense multitude of these large quadrupeds in the temperate zone of North America. The alcos of New Mexico are of the size of a horse. There was a gentleman in the city of Zacatecas, who made use of them for his chariot instead of horses, according to the testimony of Betancourt; and sometimes they have been sent as presents to the king of Spain.

    The universal position of the count de Buffon, that all the quadrupeds common to both continents are smaller in America without any exception, has been proved false

    __________
    (n) Hist. Nat. tom. xxvii.

    (o) Diction. d' Hist. Nat. V. Bison. Bomare calls that American animal on account of its great size the colossal quadruped; he says that its length from its snout to the beginning of its tail measured by its flanks was nine feet and two inches; its height from the summit of its back to its hoof, five feet and four inches; its thickness measured over the hunch of its back ten feet in circumference. He adds that he understood from the owner of that animal, that the females were still larger.


     


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    by several European authors who have seen these animals; and even by count de Buffon himself, in other places of his history. Dr. Hernandez says of the metzli, or American lion, that it is larger than the lion of the same species of the old continent. Of the tyger he affirms the same. (p) Neither the count de Buffon, nor Mr. de Paw have a just idea of this wild animal. We saw one a few hours after it was killed by nine shots: but it was much larger in size than we are made to believe by Mr. Buffon. those authors, since they do not trust the accounts of Spaniards, ought at least to give credit to Mr. Condamine, the learned and impartial French author, who says that the tygers seen by him in the hot countries of the new world did not appear to him to differ from the African tygers, either in the beauty of their colours, or in their size. Of the Mexican wolf Hernandez says, that in figure, colour, and disposition, as well as in size it resembles the European wolf, except that it has a larger head. (q) The same thing he affirms of the common deer, and Oviedo also of both the common and other deer. The count de Buffon, notwithstanding the universality of the position which he has laid down without any exception, concerning the smaller size of American quadrupeds, treating, in volume xxix. of the degeneracy of animals, he says, that deer are among the quadrupeds common to both continents those alone which are more large and strong in the new than they are in the old world; and speaking, in volume xvii. of the lodra of Canada, he confesses that they are larger than

    __________
    (p) Vulgaris est huic orbi tygris, sed nostrate major. Hist. Quad. N. Hisp. cap. x.

    (q) Forma, colore, moribus, ac mole corporis Lupo Nostrati similis est Cuetachtli, atque adeo ejus, ut mihi videtur, speciei, sed ampliore capiti. Ibid. cap. xxxiii.


     


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    those of Europe; and the same thing he says of the American beaver: although he allowed no exception to his principle, he still admits those of the deer, lodra, beavers, and sea-calves. If to these we add the tygers, the lions without hair, and the flag, according to the testimony of Hernandez and Oviedo, we shall find at least eight species of quadrupeds common to both continents which are larger of their kind in the new than they are in the old world. To those above mentioned we ought also to add those quadrupeds which are equally large in both continents; as the latter as well as the former demonstrate the falsity of such a general principle. Hernandez affirms, that the Mexican wolf is of the same size with the European. Count de Buffon says, that there is no difference between them, except that the Mexican wolf has a finer skin, and five toes in its fore feet, and four in its hind feet. With respect to bears, there are at present many persons in Europe who have seen the bears of Mexico and those of the Alps. We do not believe that among all of these witnesses there will be found one who has acknowledged that the European bears are the larger of the two. For ourselves at least we can declare, that all those we have seen in Mexico appeared to be larger than those which we have seen in Italy. (r)

    It is therefore no just assertion that all the animals of the new world are without exception smaller than those of the old. The count de Buffon spoke at random when he affirmed in another place that the animals were all much smaller, and that nature had in the new world made

    __________
    (r) The count de Buffon distinguishes the species of black from that of brown bears, and affirms that the black bears are not at all ferocious; but the Mexican bears, which are all black, are extremely fierce, as is notorious in Mexico, of which also we can bear testimony.


     


                                          HISTORY  OF  MEXICO.                                     207


    use of a different scale of dimensions. (t) It is easy also to demonstrate the mistake of Mr. de Paw, when he says that all the quadrupeds of America are a sixth less than their correspondents in the old continent. The Tuza of Mexico is analogous to the European mole, but is larger according to what count de Buffon says. That Mexican quadruped called by count de Buffon coqualline, and by us tlalmototli, is analogous to the European squirrel, and yet according to the same author is of twice its size. The cojote, analogous to the chacal, is of twice its size. The llama, or ram of Peru, analogous to the European ram, is beyond comparison larger, &c. But those philosophers are so eager to depreciate and undervalue its animals, that they even find subject for censure in their tails, in their feet, and in their teeth. "Not only," says count de Buffon, "has there been a scarcity of matter in the new continent, but likewise the forms of its animals are imperfect, and appear to have been neglected. The animals of South America, which are those that properly belong to the new continent, are almost all deprived of tusks, horns, and tails; their shape is extravagant, their limbs disproportionate, and ill set; and some of them, like the ant-killers and sloths, are of so miserable a nature, that they have hardly ability to move, and to eat." "The animals native to the new world," says Mr. de Paw, "are in general of an ungraceful form; some of them so aukwardly made, that those who first made designs of them could hardly express their characters. It has been observed that the greater part of them want the tail, and have a particular irregularity in

    __________
    (t) Hist. Nat. tom. xviii.


     


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    "their feet. This is remarkable in the tapir, the ant-killer, the llama of Margraf, in the sloth, and the cabeay. The ostriches, which in our continent have not more than two toes, united by a membrance, all have four in America, and those separated."

    Such a mode of reasoning is rather a censure of the conduct of Providence than of the clime of America, and not unlike the sceptical opinions attributed to king Don Alphonso the Wife, respecting the disposition of the heavenly bodies. If the first individuals of those animals came not so from the hand of the Creator, but the clime of America has been the cause of their supposed irregularity, whenever those animals should be transported to Europe their forms would grow perfect, and their disposition and instinct also; at least after ten or twelve* generations those miserable animals which the malignant clime of America has deprived of their tails, their horns, and their tusks, would recover them under a more benignant clime. No, those philosophers would say, because it is not so easy to recover from nature what is loft, as to lose what she has given; so that although those poor animals would not in the old continent recover their tails, their tusks, or their horns, still it must be allowed that the climate of America has been the cause of their losing them. Be it so. At present, however, we shall not treat of irregularities which consist in any deficiency but of those where there is an excess of matter. We allude at present to the ostriches, which, according to Mr. de Paw, (x) have from a vice of nature, two extraordinary

    __________
    (x) Mr. de Paw is deceived with regard to the number of toes of the ostrich of America, for it has no more than three; although in the hinder part of its feet it has a round and callous swelling which serves in place of a talon, and by the vulgar is thought to be a toe.


     


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    toes in each of their feet; but that we may not quit the quadrupeds, we shall mention the Unau a species of American sloth, which amongst other of its irregularities, has got forty-fix ribs. "The number of forty-fix ribs in an animal of so small a body," says Mr. de Buffon, "is a kind of error or excess of nature; for no animal even among the largest, or among those which have the longest body in proportion to their thickness, has so many. The elephant has not more than forty, the horse thirty-fix, the badger thirty, the dog twenty-fix, and man twenty-four." If the first Unau which ever was, had the same number of ribs given it by the Creator which its Posterity have at present, the reasoning held by Mr. de Buffon is a censure of Providence; and when he says that that excessive number of ribs has been an error of nature, he means an error of Providence, who is efficient nature. We are certain. such an idea is far from the elevated mind of the count de Buffon; but the spirit of philosophy, which runs through all his works, leads him sometimes into rather exceptionable expressions. (a) If, on the contrary, those philosophers believe, that the Unau had originally a number of ribs proportioned to the size of its body, and that the malignant clime of America did increase them gradually afterwards, we ought to believe, that if that species of quadruped was transported to the old continent, and was bred under a more favouring sky, it would at last be restored to its primitive perfection. Let

    __________
    (a) The count de Buffon, desirous of assigning a reason why man resists the influence of climate better than the animals, says, in volume xviii. " Man is " altogether the work of heaven, the animals in many respects are but productions of the earth." This proposition appears a little too bold; but we meet with many still stronger in his Epoches de la Nature.


     


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    the experiment be made; let two or three males of this ungraceful species, and as many females, be transported there, and if, after twenty or more generations, it is found that their number of ribs begins to diminish, then we shall acknowledge that the land of America is the most unhappy, and its climate the most baneful in all the world. If it happens otherwise, we will say, as we shall henceforward say, that the logic of these gentlemen is more contemptible than that quadruped, and that their reasonings are mere paralogisms. In other respects it is truly to be wondered at in a country where there has been such a scarcity of matter, that nature should have made a transgression by an excess of it in the ribs of sloths, and in the toes of ostriches.

    But to shew that those philosophers, while exerting themselves to six the character of malignity on the climate of the new world, had totally lost recollection of the miseries of their own continent; let us ask them what is the most miserable animal in America, they will immediately answer, the sloth; because this animal is the most imperfect in its organization, the most incapable of motion, the most unprovided with arms for its defence, and above all, that it appears to have less sensations than any other quadruped; an animal, truly wretched, condemned by nature to inactivity, listlessness, famine, and melancholy, by which it continually excites the companion and horror of other species. But this class of quadrupeds, so famous for their misery, is common to both continents. Count de Buffon will not believe it, because it does not suit his system, and says, that if any sloth is found in Asia, it must have been transported there from America; but whatever he may say, it is certain, from the attestations of Klein, Linnaeus,


     


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    Brisson, the publisher of the Cabinet of Seba, and above them all Vosmaer, a learned and diligent naturalist of Holland, (b) that the Unau, one of the species of sloths, is an Asiatic animal. The Unau of Bengal, which has been seen, bred, and exactly described by this naturalist, cannot have been transported from America; for no commerce between South America and Asia has ever subsisted. Besides, the Unau of Bengal differs from that of America: the former has five, the latter only two toes to its feet. If the count de Buffon is persuaded that the climate of Asia could increase the number of toes of the American quadruped, we would then say to those quadrupeds that the climate of the old continent would be capable of restoring the tails, horns, and tusks, of which the pernicious climate of America has deprived them. Whoever will read the eloquent description given of the American sloth by the count de Buffon, and compare it with that given by Mr. Vosmaer of the sloth pentadactlylus of Bengal, will soon perceive that this Asiatic quadruped is as miserable as those of America.

    But let us philosophically examine what those authors say respecting the supposed irregularity of those quadrupeds. Real irregularity in animals is some disproportion of their limbs, or singularity in the form, or in the dispositions of some individuals with respect to the generality of their species, not that which is observed in a new species compared with one which is known. It would be extremely absurd to consider the techichi an irregular animal, because it does not bark. This is an American quadruped, which, from its resemblance to European dogs, was called dog by the Spaniards: not because it was of the same species: and from thence

    __________
    (4) Description le plusisurs Amimaun. A work printed at Amsterdam.


     


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    rose the fable propagated by not a few authors, that in America dogs were mute. Wolves are extremely similar to dogs, but they do not bark. If the first Spaniards who went to Mexico had not seen wolves in Europe, when they saw those of Mexico they would have reported, that there were large dogs there which could not be tamed, and that they did not bark but howled. And this would have furnished count de Buffon and Mr. de Paw with a new argument to prove the degeneracy and irregularity of American animals.

    The argument of Mr. de Paw concerning American ostriches has no more weight. The Touyou is an American bird specifically different from the ostrich; but because it is large, and very similar to that African bird, it has been vulgarly called ostrich. (c) This is sufficient to make Mr. de Paw affirm that there is irregularity in those American birds; but if we should allow that the Touyou is truly an ostrich he could not make out his position. He would make us believe the American ostrich irregular, because instead of having only two toes united by a membrane like the African, it has four separate toes. But an American might say that the African ostrich is rather irregular, because instead of having four separate toes, it has only two, and those united by means of a membrane. "No," Mr. de Paw would reply in rage, "it is not so: the irregularity is certainly in your ostriches, because they do not conform with those of the old world which are the original species; nor with the representation which the most famous naturalists of Europe have left us of such birds." "Our world," the American would return, "which you call new, because three centuries ago it was not discovered

    __________
    (c) In Peru the ostrich is known by the name of Suri.


     


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    "by you, is as ancient as yours, and our animals are cotemporary with yours. They are under no necessity of conforming with your animals, neither are we to blame that the species of our animals have been unknown to your naturalists, or confounded by a superficial knowledge of them. Therefore either your ostriches are irregular because they do not conform with ours; or at least ours ought not to be called irregular because they do not conform with yours. Until you demonstrate to us by incontestible proofs, that the first ostriches came from the hand of the Creator with only two toes united by a membrane, you will never persuade us of the irregularity of our Touyou." This mode of argument, which is without doubt unanswerable, is sufficient to defeat the systems adopted by those philosophers, arising from flight and indigested ideas, and strong prepossessions in favour of the old continent.

    Those philosophers are not more happy in their discourses on the tails of quadrupeds than in their observations on the feet of ostriches. They say directly, and without any regard to truth, that the greater part of the quadrupeds of the new continent are totally destitute of tails; which, like all the other effects observed by them in those unfortunate countries, they ascribe to the misery of the American sky, to the infancy of nature in that part of the world, to the fatality of the climate, and other combinations of the elements. Thus those celebrated philosophers of this enlightened century reason. But there being, according to count de Buffon, seventy species of American quadrupeds, it would be necessary that at least forty of them were without tails in order to verify what Mr. de Paw has said, that the


     


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    majority of them were deprived of this member; and many more would be requisite to prove true, that almost all the quadrupeds were unfurnished with tails as count de Buffon affirms. However, animals of this description in America, as we shall presently find, are only six in number, therefore the proposition is a monstrous hyperbole, not to say an idle falsehood.

    It appears that in the time of Pliny no other animals were known to be without tails but man and the ape. If since that time there had been no other animal unfurnished with such member discovered in the old continent, count de Buffon and M. de Paw would have been right in taxing the American quadrupeds with it; but from the history of count de Buffon it is evident, the species without tails are more numerous in the old continent than in America. Here follows a lift of both, extracted from the history of count de Buffon.

    Quadrupeds without tails in the old continent.

    1. The Pongo, or Orang Outang, or Satyr or Man of the Woods.
    2. The Pithecus, or Proper Ape.
    3. The Gibbon, another species of ape.
    4. The Cynocephalus, or Magoto.
    5. The Turkish dog.
    6. The Tanrec of Madagascar.
    7. The Loris of Ceylon.
    8. The Indian Pig.
    9. The Roussette
    10. The Rougette } Two species of great bats of Asia.
    11. The golden mole of Siberia.
    To which the three following should be added:
    12. The five-toed sloth of Bengal, described by Vosmaer.

     


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    13. The Klipda, or bastard marmot, of the Cape of Good Hope, described by Vosmaer.

    14. The Capiverd, or Capivard of the Cape of Good Hope, described by Bomare.

    In America.

    1. The Unau species of sloth.
    2. The Cabeay, or amphibious hog.
    3. The Aperea of Brasil.
    4. The Indian pig.
    5. The Saino, Pecar, or Cojametl.
    6. The Tapeto.

    Therefore in the old continent there are at least fourteen species of quadrupeds (d) unfurnished with tails, and in America only fix, of which we might except the two last, as they are uncertain. (e) In all the thirty volumes of the history of Quadrupeds of count de Bufson, we have found no other American animal without a tail except those above mentioned: and notwithstanding he ventured to affirm that in the new world almost all the animals were deprived of tails; it appears from hence that such universal propositions are as easily offered as they are difficult of proof.

    __________
    (d) To the fourteen species above mentioned we might add the Unau Dydactylus of Ceylon, mentioned by several authors, and the Porte-muse, described by Mr. Daubenton and Bomare; but we omit the fu ft, because we are not certain that it is different from the Loris of Buffon; we pass the second also, because it may have some little tail, although the diligent M. Daubenton did not find it.

    (e) The Pecar is described by Oviedo, Hernandez, and Acosta, under the names Saino and Cojametl; but they say nothing of its want of a tail. We have been informed by accurate and distinct persons, who have seen many Pecars, that they had a tail, although it was small. With respect to the Tapeto, the count de Buffon believes it to be the Citli of Hernandez. But all Mexicans know that the Citli of Hernandez is the hare of Mexico, and we are certain it has a tail like the common hare of Europe.


     


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    If the clime of America is so pernicious to the tails of animals, how comes it that while four species of apes of the old continent are deprived of such a member, namely, the Pongo, the Pithecus, the Gibbon, and the Cynocephalus, all the species of apes of the new world have them, and some, such as the Saki, have tails so long that they are twice the length of their bodies; why do squirrels, Coquallines, ant-killers, and other such quadrupeds, abound in America, which are furnished with such enormous tails in proportion to their bodies? Why has the marmot of Canada, although it is of the same species with that of the Alps, a larger tail, as count de Buffon himself confesses? Why have the deer of America, although smaller than those of the old continent, a longer tail, as the same author affirms? (f) If the climate of America was ever possessed of some principle destructive to tails of animals, those which Columbus transported there from Europe, and the Canary isles, in 1493, would have by this time lost all tail, particularly hogs, which carried such short tails there, or at least they would have been remarkably shortened after two hundred and eighty-eight years; but among all the Europeans who have seen the sheep, horses, oxen, &c. bred in America, and those which were bred at the same time in Europe, there has not been one writer who could find any difference between the tails of the one and the other.

    This same argument is equally valid against what count de Buffon says upon the want of horns, and tusks in the greater part of American quadrupeds, as the oxen, the sheep and goats, preserve without change their

    __________
    (f) Hist Nat. tom. xviii.


     


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    horns, the dogs and hogs their teeth, and the cats their nails, as all those who have seen and compared them with those of Europe can testify. If the clime of America was so destructive to the teeth and horns of animals, a number of them would have been loft, at least by the Posterity of those quadrupeds of Europe, which were transported there almost three centuries ago, and much more the generations of wolves, bears, and other similar quadrupeds, which passed there from Asia, perhaps in the first century after the deluge. If, on the contrary, the temperate zone of Europe is more propitious to the teeth of animals than the torrid zone of the new world, why did nature give to the latter, and not to the former, the tapir and crocodile, which in number, size, and sharpness of their teeth, exceed all the quadrupeds and reptiles of Europe?

    Lastly, if there are some animals in America without horns, without teeth, (g) and without tails, it is not owing to the climate or niggard sky of America, or any imaginary combination of the elements, but because the Creator, whose works and whose counsels we should humbly revere, chose it so, that such variety might serve to embellish the universe, and make his wisdom and his power more conspicuous. What gives beauty to some animals would render others deformed. It is perfection in a horse to have a large tail, in the flag to have a small one, and in the Pongo to have none at all.

    __________
    (g) Among all the quadrupeds of the new world, the ant-killers alone are destitute of teeth, like the Pangolino and Tatagino of the East-Indies, which quadrupeds are covered with scales instead of hair. All those quadrupeds which feed on nothing but anti have no occasion for teeth; but they are furnished by the Creator with a long tongue, with which they can dexterously lick up the ants and swallow them,


     


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    With respect to what our philosophers say of the ugliness of the animals of America, it is true, that among so many, there are some whose forms do not correspond with the ideas which we entertain of the beauty of beasts; but who has assured us, that our ideas are just, and not imperfect, and occasioned by the narrowness of our minds? And how many animals could we not find in the old continent still worse formed than any beast of America? What quadruped is there in America which can be compared, in the deformity and disproportion of its limbs with the elephant, called by the count de Buffon a monster of matter? (h) Its vast mass of flesh, higher than it is long, its disgustful skin without hair and furrowed with wrinkles; its enormous trunk instead of a nose; its long teeth placed without its most hideous mouth, and turned upwards, contrary to what is observed in other animals, in order to increase the deformity of its face; its vast polygonous ears; its thick, crooked, and proportionably small legs; its unformed feet, with toes scarcely distinguished; and lastly, its diminutive eyes and ridiculously small tail to a body so immense, are all circumstances which render the elephant a most irregular quadruped. We challenge our philosophers to find in the new world an animal more disproportioned, or whose form is more ungraceful. Similar reflections arise from viewing the camel, the Macaco, of which count de Buffon says that it is hideously deformed, and more so than all other animals of the old continent; we dare not, however,

    __________
    (h) En considerant cet animal, (says Bomare of the elephant) relativement a l'idee, qui nous avons de la justesse des proportions, il semble mal-proportione a cause de son corps gros et court, des fes jambres roides et mal-formcies, des ses pieds ronds et tortus, de sa tete grosse, de ses petits yeux et des fes grandee orcilles; on pourroit dire aussi quc l'habit dont il est couvert est encore plus mal tail et plus mal fait. Sa trompe, ses defenses, ses piedi le rendent aussi exiraordinaire que la grandeur de sa taille.


     


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    ever, blame the clime to which they belong, nor censure the Supreme Artificer who formed them.

    What our philosophers say with respect to the smaller ferocity of American wild beasts, instead of assisting them to prove the malignity of that clime, serves only to demonstrate its mildness and bounty. "In America," says count de Buffon, "where the air and the land are more mild than those of Africa, the tyger, the lion, and the panther are terrible only in name... They have degenerated, if fierceness joined to cruelty made their nature; or, to speak more properly, they have only suffered the influence of the climate." What more can be desired in favour of the climate of America? Why, therefore, does he ever adduce the smaller ferocity of American animals as an argument of their degeneracy occasioned by the malignity of that clime? If the climate of the old continent should be esteemed better than that of the new world, because under the former the wild beasts are found more terrible, for the same reason the climate of Africa ought to be esteemed incomparably more excellent than that of Europe. This argument, which we have already made use of, might be carried much farther to the confusion of our philosophers.

    But those authors have not a just idea of American animals. It is true that the Mitzli, or Mexican lion, is not to be compared with the celebrated lions of Africa. The latter species either never did pass into the new world, or was extirpated by man; but the former does not yield to those of its species, or the lion without hair of the old continent, according to the testimony of Hernandez, who knew both the one and the other. The Mexican tyger, whether it is or is not of the same species with the


     


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    royal tyger of Africa, as that is of no importance, has surprising strength and ferocity. There is no quadruped, among those of Europe or America, which can be opposed to it. It intrepidly attacks and tears men, deer, horses, bulls, and even the most monstrous crocodiles, as Acosta affirms. This learned author vaunts both its intrepidity and swiftness. G. de Oviedo, who had travelled through many countries of Europe, and was not ignorant of natural history, speaking of those American tygers, says, "They are animals very strong in the legs, well armed with claws, and so terrible, that in my judgment, none of the greatest royal lions can rival their strength and ferocity." The tyger is the terror of the American woods; it is not possible to tame it or catch it when it is grown up: those which are taken when young are not to be kept without danger, unless they are Quit up in the strongest cages of wood or iron. Such is the character of those animals which are called cowardly by Mr. de Paw and other authors, who were unable to distinguish the species of quadrupeds with spotted skins.

    It is however certain, that those authors shew themselves as credulous of every thing they find written concerning the size, strength, and intrepidity of the royal tygers of the old continent, as they are obstinate in denying faith to what eye-witnesses say of American tygers. Count de Buffon believes, upon the attestation of we do not know what author, that the royal tyger is from thirteen to fourteen feet in length, and five in height; that it will engage with three elephants, kill a buffaloe, and drag it wherever it pleases, and other similar absurdities, which can only gain belief from those who are prejudiced in favour of the old continent. If some authors deserving of faith should relate of the American tygers a


     


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    few of the particulars which are told of Asiatic tygers they would be considered as idle exaggerating boasters. (i) The account which Pliny (£) gives of the artifices of hunters in robbing the tyger of its young, and the coolness of temper with which it carries them off again one by one, and that which Bomare relates (k) of the combat in the year 1764, in Windsor forest, in England, between the flag and a tyger brought from India to the duke of Cumberland, in which the flag came off conqueror, shews us that the ferocity of those Asiatic wild beasts is not so great as count de Buffon and Mr. de Paw represent it.

    The American wolves are not less strong nor bold than those of the old continent, as all who have had any experience of them both know. Even stags, which as Pliny says, are very tranquil animals, are so daring in Mexico, that they frequently attack the hunters; this raft is testified by Hernandez, and is notorious in that kingdom; we have seen in our own dwelling the vicious nature of a stag, which had become almost domestic, shew itself most cruelly upon an American girl.

    But let the American quadrupeds be smaller in size, more ungraceful in form, and more pusillanimous in their nature; let us grant to those philosophers that from such a position the happiness of the climate of the old continent k to be deduced; they will not still persuade us, that it is a full proof and a certain argument of the malignity of the American climate, while they do not shew us in

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    (i) It is sufficient to observe the little credit given by these authors to the testimony of Mr. Condamine, notwithstanding the esteem in which they held that learned mathematician.

    (k) Nat. Hist. lib. viii. cap. 18.

    (l) Bomare Diction. d' Historie Nat. V. Tigre.


     


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    the reptiles and birds of America (l) the same degeneracy which they suppose in quadrupeds. Mr. de Paw says of American crocodiles, whose ferocity is notorious, that it appears from the observations of Mr. du Pratz, and others, that they have not the fury and impetuosity of those of Africa. But Hernandez, who knew both the one and the other, found no difference between them. (m) Acosta says, that those of America are extremely fierce but flow; but this slowness is not in a progressive line forwards, in which motion they are most swift and active, but in turning only, or bending from one side to another, as is the case with the crocodiles of Africa, on account of the inflexibility of their vertebra. Hernandez affirms that the Acuelzpalin, or Mexican crocodile, flies from those who attack it, but pursues those who fly from it, although the former case happens more seldom than the latter. Pliny says the same thing of African crocodiles. (n) In short, if we compare what Pliny says of the latter with what Hernandez says of the former, it will appear that there is not even a difference of size between them. (o)

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    (l) The count de Buffon might say, as he observes !n vol. xviii. That we aught not to consider the birds with respect to climate in this particular, because it being easy for them to pass from one climate to another, it would be almost impossible to determine which belonged properly to the one or to the other. But as the cause of the passage of birds is the cold or the heat of the seasons, which they wish to avoid, on this account the American birds have no occasion to leave their continent, because there they have countries of every sort of clime to shelter themselves from every hurtful season, and where they can always find their food. We are altogether certain, that the Mexican birds do not travel to the old continent.

    (m) Hern. Hist. Nat. lib. ix. cap. 3.

    (n) Terribilis haec contra sugaces bellua est, fugax contra insequentes. Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. viii. cap. 25.

    (o) Pliny says that the African crocodile is often more than eighteen cubits, or twenty-seven Roman feet in length. Hernandez affirms that the Mexican


     


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    With regard to birds, Mr. de Paw makes mention only of ostriches, and that so negligently as we have shewn. He certainly designed to be silent on this subject, discovering that on this side his cause was loft, for whether we consider number or variety of species, intrepidity, or beauty of plumage, and excellence of song, the old continent cannot be compared with America as to birds. Of their surprising multitude we have already spoken. The fields, the woods, the rivers, the lakes, and even inhabited places are filled with innumerable species. Gemelli, who had made the tour of the world, and seen the best countries of Asia, Africa, and Europe, declares that there is not a country in the world which can compare with New Spain in the beauty and variety of its birds. (p) See what is said by the historians of New France, Louisiana, Brasil, and other countries of the new world, on this subject.

    Of the strength and courage of American birds many European authors worthy of credit make mention. Hernandez, who had so much experience of birds of prey, in the court of Philip II. king of Spain, at the time when hawking was most in vogue, and had observed also those of Mexico, confesses when he talks of the Quauhtotli, or Mexican falcon, that all the birds of this class are better and more courageous in New Spain than they are in the old continent. (q) On account of the

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    crocodile is usually more than seven paces long. If he speaks of Castilian paces, they make almost twenty-eight Roman feet; if he (peaks of Roman paces, they will make thirty five feet, so that the difference is trifling, or if there is any it is in favour of the American crocodile.

    (p) Ella e tanta la vagbezza e la varieta degli uccelli della N. Spagns che non v'e paese almondo, the ne abbia part. Giro del Mondo. tom. vi. lib. ii. cap. 9.

    (q) Fateor accipitrum omne genus apud hanc novam Hispaniam, Jucatanicamve provinciam repertum pnaestantius effe atque animosius vetere in orbe natis. Hernandez de Avibus N. Hisp. cap. 91.


     


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    excellence of the Mexican falcons having been known and acknowledged, Charles the V. ordered that every year fifty hawks should be sent to him from New Spain, and as many from the island of Hispaniola, as the historian Herrera attests; and Acosta relates, that the falcons of Mexico and Peru, because they were much esteemed, were sent in presents to the grandees of Spain. Acosta also says, that the condors, or Mexican vultures, are of an immense size, and have so much strength, that they not only tear a ram, but even a calf; and D. A. Ulloa testifies, that a stroke of their wing will knock down a man. (r) Hernandez says, that the Itzquauhtli, or royal eagle of Mexico, attacks men, and even the fiercest quadrupeds. If the climate of America had taken from the quadrupeds their strength and courage, it would without doubt have produced the same effect on birds: but from the testimony of the above mentioned writers, and other European authors, it is manifest that they are not feeble or pusillanimous, but that they excel those of the old continent in intrepidity and strength.

    With respect to the beauty of birds, those authors do not refuse the superiority to America, although in other respects they have so eagerly depreciated the new world. Whoever would form to himself a competent idea of them, may consult Oviedo, Hernandez, Acosta, Ulloa, and other European authors, who have seen the birds of America. In New Spain, says Acosta, there is a

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    (r) The condor is so large as to measure from fourteen to sixteen feet from tip to tip of the wings when extended. Bomare says it is common to both continents; and that the Swiss call it the laemmer-geyer; but notwithstanding this, it is certain that no bird of prey has been found yet on the old continent equal in size and Strength to the condor of America.


     


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    great plenty of birds adorned with such beautiful plumage, that they are not equalled by any in Europe.

    It is true, say many European authors, that American birds are superior in beauty of plumage, but not in excellence of song, in which they are exceeded by those of Europe. So think two modern Italians: (s) but however learned they are in certain speculative subjects, they are equally ignorant of the productions of America: it will be sufficient, in order to confute those authors, to subjoin the testimony of Hernandez to this point; (t) who, after having heard the singing of the best nightingales at the court of Philip II. heard for many years the centzontli or polyglots, the cardinals tigrets, the cuitlaccochis, and other innumerable species of vulgar singing birds in Mexico unknown in Europe, besides the nightingales, calderines calandras, and others common to both continents. Among the singing birds most esteemed in Europe the nightingale is the most celebrated, but it sings still better in America, according to the affirmation of Mr. Bomare. The nightingale of Louisiana is, he says, the same with that of Europe; but it is more tame and familiar, and sings the whole

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    (s) The author of a certain dissertation metaphysical and political, Sulla Proportzione de’ Talenti e del lore Uso, in which he has written most preposterous particulars respecting America, and shewn himself as ignorant as a child, of the land, the climate, the animals, and the inhabitants of that new world. The other is the author of fume beautiful Italian fables, in one of which an American bird holds a discourse with a nightingale.

    (t) In caveis quibus detinetur, suavissime cantat; nee est avis ulla, animalve cujus vocem non reddat luculentissime et exqnisitissime aemuletur. Quid? Philomelam nostram longo superat intervallo, cujus suavissimum concentum tantopere laudant celebrantque, vetusti auctores, et quidquid avicularum apud nostrum orbem cantu auditur suavissimum. Hernandez de Avibus N. Hisp. cap. 30 de centzontlatole sive cenzontli.

    Linnaeus calls the centzontli orpheus. Other authors call it mocquer, the mocking-bird, or Bestardo.


     


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    year, and has a more varied song. These are three considerable advantages which it possesses over the European bird. But although there were not in America either nightingales, calandras, or any one of those birds which are esteemed in Europe for their song, the centzontli or polyglot alone would be sufficient to excite the envy of any country in the world. We are free to declare to our Anti-American philosophers, that what Hernandez says of the excellence of the polyglot over the nightingale is extremely true, and agreeable to the opinion of many Europeans who have been in Mexico, and also of many Mexicans who have been in Europe. Besides the singular sweetness of its song, the prodigious variety of its notes, and its agreeable talent in counterfeiting the different tones of the birds and quadrupeds which it hears; (u) it is less shy than the nightingale, and more common, as its species is one of the most numerous. If we were disposed to reason in the manner of Mr. de Paw, we could, in order to demonstrate the benignity of the American clime, add, that some birds which are not valued in Europe for their singing, sing much better in America. The sparrows, says Valdecebro, an European author, which do not sing in Spain, are in New Spain better than calderines. (x)

    What we observe of singing birds may be applied also to those which imitate the human voice; for in Asia and Africa the species of parrots are neither so many nor so numerous as they are in America.

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    (u) Mr. Barrington, vice-president of the Royal Society of London, says, in a curious work he has written on the 6nging of birds, and presented to that learned academy, that he heard a polyglot which counterfeited in the space of one single minute, the singing of the lark, the chaffinch, the blackbird, the sparrow, and the thrush.

    (x) In a work entitled Gubierno de las Aves, lib. v. cap. 39. But we have already observed, that the Mexican sparrow, though resembling, is different from, the true sparrow.


     


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    But as we are discoursing of birds, we will, before we end this subject, make an obvious reflection. There is not an American animal which draws so much reproach upon it from our philosophers as the sloth, on account of its astonishing indolence and inability of motion. But what would they say if there was a bird of this nature? This would certainly be the most irregular animal in the world, for such an inactivity or slowness is more preposterous in a bird than in a quadruped. But where is this bird? In the old continent, and has been described by count de Buffon; who says that the Dronte, a bird of the east-Indies, larger than the swan, is among birds what the sloth is among quadrupeds: it appears, he says, a turtle in the clothing of a bird; and nature in granting it those useless ornaments, wings and tail, seems to have intended to add embarrassment to its weight, and irregularity of motion to the inactivity of its body, and to make its cumbrous largeness still more afflicting, by putting it in remembrance that it is a bird.

    From what we have said we cannot avoid concluding, that the fky of America is not niggardly, nor its climate unfavourable to the generation of animals; that there has been no scarcity of matter, nor has nature made use of a different scale of proportions in that region: that what count de Buffon and Mr. de Paw have said of the smallness, of the irregularity, and defects of American quadrupeds is erroneous, or rather a series of errors: and though it was true, it would be of no assistance to prove the malignity of the climate of America. But we shall now enquire whether they have done less wrong to the new world in what they say of the supposed degeneracy of quadrupeds transported there from Europe.



     

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    SECT. II.

    Of the Animals transported from Europe to America.

    All the animals transported from Europe to America, such as horses, asses, bulls, sheep, goats, hogs, and dogs, are, says count de Buffon, considerably smaller there than they are in Europe, and that, without one single exception. If we leek for the proof of so general, or rather an universal assertion, we shall find no other in all the history of that philosopher, than, that cows, sheep, goats, hogs, and dogs are smaller in Canada than they are in France. The European or Asiatic animals, says Mr. de Paw, that were transported to America immediately after its discovery, have degenerated, their corpulence has diminished, and they have lost a portion of their instinct and genius: the cartilages or fibres of their flesh have become more rigid and more gross. Such is the general conclusion of Mr. de Paw. Let us now attend to the proofs. first, The flesh of oxen in the island of Hispaniola is so fibrous that it can hardly be eaten; secondly, the hogs in the island of Cubagua changed in a short time their forms to such a degree, that they could hardly be known again; their nails grew so much that they were half a palm in length. Thirdly, Sheep suffered a great alteration in Barbadoes. Fourthly, Dogs transported from their own countries lose their voice, and cease to bark, in the greater part of the regions of the new continent. Fifthly, The cold of Peru incapacitated camels carried there from Africa, in their organs of generation. Such are the arguments which those philosophers use to ascertain the degeneracy of animals of the old continent, in the new world; arguments


     


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    which, if they were true, would not be sufficient to prove so universal a position: because of what importance is it that the flesh of oxen is so fibrous in the island of Hispaniola, if in all the other parts of America it is good, and in many, particularly in all those of Mexico which are situated on the coast of the Pacific Ocean, equal to the best in Europe, and possibly better? What signifies it that sheep have undergone some change in Barbadoes, and other hot countries, if, in the temperate countries of Mexico and South America they continue the same as they came there from Spain? What does it avail that hogs have become disfigured in Cubagua, a miserable little island, deprived of water and every thing necessary for life, if in other parts of America they have acquired, as Mr. de Paw says himself, an extraordinary corpulence and their flesh has become so improved, that the physicians there prescribe it to the sick in preference to all other meat. If the hogs, having grown disfigured in Cubagua, it does not prove that the clime of America is not the most suitable to them, why should the sheep having suffered some change in Barbadoes, the flesh of oxen having become more fibrous in Hispaniola, and some quadrupeds having grown less in Canada, serve to prove that the clime of America in general is unfavourable to the generation of animals, to their corpulence and instinct?

    If such logic was to be tolerated, we could adduce much stronger arguments against the climate of the old continent without making use of any other materials than those that are furnished to us by count de Buffon in his Natural history. Camels have never multiplied, as he says, in Spain, although that clime of all the climes of Europe is the least contrary to their nature. Oxen have


     


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    degenerated in Barbary, and in Iceland they have lost their horns. Sheep, says count de Buffon, have degenerated in our country from their first exigence in it; and in all the hot countries of the old continent they change their wool into hair. Goats have grown small in Guinea and other countries. In Lapland dogs have become extremely small and deformed, and those of the temperate climes when transported into cold climes cease to bark, and after the first generation are born with strait ears. From the accounts of travellers it is certain that mastiffs, grey-hounds, and other breeds of dogs of Europe transported to Madagascar, Calcutta, Madeira, and Malabar, degenerate after the second or third generation, and that in excessive hot countries, such as Guinea and Senegal, this degeneration is more rapid; as in the space of three or four years they lose their hair, and their voice. Stags in mountainous countries which are hot and dry, such as those of Corsica and Sardinia, have lost a half of their corpulence. If to these and other accounts given us by count de Buffon we were to add those of many other authors, what examples should we not have of the degeneracy of animals in the old continent, more numerous and true than those of our philosophers? But that we may expose the exaggeration and falsity which belong to their examples let us examine one by one the species of Asiatic and European animals transported into the new world which by them are said to have degenerated.
     

    CAMELS.

    Among all the quadrupeds transported to America, says Mr. de Paw, the camels are unquestionably those which have thriven the least. In the beginning of


     


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    the sixteenth century some of them were transported from Africa to Peru, where the cold disabled the organs necessary for their production, and they left no Posterity. Setting aside the chronological error into which he falls, as being immaterial to our purpose, (y) if it was cold that destroyed the species of camels in America, the same thing would have happened in the European northern countries, where the cold is beyond comparison greater than in any country whatever of Peru. If cold was the cause of their extirpation, let Mr. de Paw blame those who settled those quadrupeds in places unsuitable to their nature, and not America, where there are lands that are hot and dry, and proper for the subsistence of Camels. The same experiment which was made in Peru with camels, was also made in Spain, and with the same want of success; but still there are no persons who will doubt that the clime of the latter is one of the most mild and temperate in Europe. Count de Buffon says, that if proper precautions were taken, those animals would succeed not only in America but in Spain: and there is no doubt that they would prosper very well in New Gallicia. Besides, it is false that the camels which were transported to Peru did not leave any Posterity; for Acosta, who went there some years after, found that they had multiplied, though but a little. (z)
     

    OXEN.

    This is one of those species of animals which our philosophers imagine to have degenerated in America;

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    (y) Camels were not transported to Peru in the beginning of the sixteenth century, because that country was not then discovered; but towards the middle of that century, as Herrera shews in his Decades.

    (z) Histor. Nat. y Mor. lib. iv. cap. 33.


     


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    which effect: they attribute to the clime. But if possibly in Canada the oxen have lost part of their corpulence, as count de Buffon affirms, and if their flesh has become fibrous in Hispaniola, as Mr. de Paw would insinuate, this at least is not the case in the greater part of the countries of the new world, in which the multitude and size of those animals, and the goodness of their flesh, demonstrate how favourable the climate is to their propagation. T