Josiah Conder Modern Traveller Vol. 26: Mexico & Guatemala London: 1830 |
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[ 158 ] within sight of the remains of what had once been a superb city, six leagues in circumference. The solidity of its edifices, the stateliness of its palaces, and the magnificence of its public works, were not surpassed by the vastness of its extent: temples, altars, sculptures, and monumental stones, bear testimony to its vast antiquity." The hieroglyphics and emblems found here r are represented by the learned historian as bearing so strong a resemblance to those of the Egyptians, that he is strongly inclined to ascribe them to a colony of that nation! The marvellous report brought back by the first discoverers having reached the ears of the Spanish Government, a royal mandate was issued in May 1786, directing a further examination of these ruins; and Captain Don Antonio del Rio was appointed by the Captain-general of Guatimala, to carry the mandate into execution. Being provided with a corps of Indian pioneers, he proceeded to the spot; but he had first to open a road to the "Palencian city," and a fortnight was occupied with felling and firing the timber with which the ruins were inaccessibly surrounded. Having succeeded by this means in obtaining not only a clear path, but a wholesome atmosphere for his further operations, he set to work on the Casas de Piedras, as the ruins are called; and ultimately, he says in his Report, "there remained neither a window nor a doorway blocked up, a partition that was not thrown down, nor a room, corridor, court, or tower, unexplored, nor a subterranean passage in which excavations were not effected from two to three yards in depth." The original manuscript document in which Don Antonio gives an account of his proceedings, was brought to light not many years ago, in an examination of the public archives of the [ 159 ] city of Guatemala. It has since been made public in the shape of an English translation, together with the learned commentary of Doctor Paul Felix Cabrera, of New Guatimala, who is still more confident than his fellow-citizen as to their Egyptian origin ("Description nf the Ruins of an Ancient City, discovered near Palenqae, in the Kingdom of Guatemala" &c. 4to. London, 1822). Don Antonio's description of the site is as follows. "From Palenque, the last town northward in the province of Ciudad Real de Chiapa, taking a south-westerly direction, and ascending a ridge of high land that divides the kingdom of Guatimala from Yucatan or Campeche, at the distance of two leagues is the little river Micol, whose waters flowing in a westerly direction, unite with the great river Tulija, which bends its course towards the province of Tabasco. Having passed the Micol, the ascent begins; and at half a league from thence, the traveller crosses a little stream called Otolum, discharging its waters into the before-mentioned current. From this point, heaps of ruins are discovered, which render the road very difficult for another half league, when you gain the height on which the Stone Houses are situated, being fourteen in number, some more dilapidated than others, but still having many of their apartments perfectly discernible. "A rectangular area, three hundred yards in breadth by four hundred and fifty in length, presents a plain at the base of the highest mountain forming the ridge; and in the centre is situated the largest of these structures which has as yet been discovered. It stands on a mound twenty yards high, and is surrounded by the other edifices, namely, five to the northward, four to the southward, one to the south-west, [ 160 ] and three to the eastward. In all directions, the fragments of other fallen buildings are to be seen extending along the mountain, that stretches east and west, about three or four leagues either way; so that the whole range of this ruined town may be computed to extend between seven and eight leagues. But its breadth is by no means equal to its length, being little more than half a league wide at the point where the ruins terminate, which is towards the river Micol, that winds round the base of the mountain, whence descend small streams that wash the foundation of the ruins on their banks ; so that, were it not for the thick umbrageous foliage of the trees, they would present to the view so many beautiful serpentine rivulets." The rivers abound with turtle and the smaller shellfish, and running to the east, north, and west, afford the utmost facility to inland traffic. An abundance of wild fruit-trees, the sapote, the plantain, the aguacate, the camote, and the cassava, indicate what the soil would yield under proper cultivation. Under the largest building there runs a "subterranean aqueduct, built of stone, of great solidity." The description given of the Casas de piedras is vague and confused, and has the further disadvantage of appearing in a very indifferent translation; but, in the absence of a more accurate account, it may not be unacceptable to the reader. "The interior of the large building is in a style of architecture strongly resembling the Gothic; and, from its rude and massive construction, promises great durability. The entrance is on the eastern side, by a portico or corridor thirty-six yards (varas) in length and three in breadth, supported by plain rectangular pillars, without either bases or pedestals, upon which there are square smooth stones of more than a foot in [ 161 ] thickness, forming an architrave; while on the exterior superficies are shields of a species of stucco; and over these stones, there is another plain rectangular block, five feet long and six broad, extending over two of the pillars. Medallions or compartments in stucco, containing different devices of the same material, appear as decorations to the chambers; and it is presumable from the vestiges of the heads which can still be traced, that they were the busts of a series of kings or lords to whom the natives were subject. Between the medallions there is a range of windows like niches, passing from one end of the wall to the other: some of them are square, some in the form of a Greek cross, being about two feet high and eight inches deep. Beyond the corridor there is a square court, entered by a flight of seven steps. The north side is entirely in ruins, but sufficient traces remain to shew that it once had a chamber and corridor similar to those on the eastern side, and which continued entirely along the several angles. The south side has four small chambers, with no other ornament than one or two little windows like those already described. The western side is correspondent to its opposite in all respects but in the variety of expression of the figures in stucco: these are much more rude and ridiculous than the others, and can be attributed only to the most uncultivated Indian capacity. The device is a sort of grotesque mask with a crown and long beard like that of a goat, under which are two Greek crosses, one within the other. "Proceeding in the same direction, there is another court, similar in length to the last, but not so broad, having a passage round it that communicated with the opposite side: in this passage there are two chambers like those above mentioned, and an interior gallery, [ 162 ] looking on one side upon the court-yard, and commanding on the other a view of the open country. In this part of the edifice, some pillars yet remain, on which are relievos apparently representing the sacrifice of some wretched Indian, the destined victim of a sanguinary religion. "Returning by the south side, the tower presents itself to notice : its height is sixteen yards; and to the four existing stories of the building (There are only three floors in the subjoined etching) was perhaps added a fifth with a cupola. These stories diminish in size, and are without ornament. The tower has a well-imitated artificial entrance * * * Behind the four chambers already mentioned, there are two others of larger dimensions, very well ornamented in the rude Indian style, and which appear to have been used as oratories. Beyond these oratories, and extending from north to south, are two apartments, each twenty-seven yards long by little more than three broad; they contain nothing worthy of notice, excepting a stone of an elliptical form, embedded in the wall, about a yard above the pavement, the height of which is one yard and a quarter, and the breadth one yard. Below this stone, is a plain, rectangular block, more than two yards long by one yard four inches broad, and seven inches thick, placed upon four feet in form of a table, with a figure in bas-relief, in the attitude of supporting it. Characters or symbols adorn the edges of the table. At the extremity of this apartment, and on a level with the pavement, there is an aperture like a hatchway, two yards long and more than one broad, leading to a subterranean passage by a flight of steps, which, at a regular distance, forms flats or landings, each having its [ 163 ] respective doorway ornamented in front. Other openings lead to this subterranean avenue. On reaching the second door, artificial light became necessary to the descent into this gloomy abode, which was by a very gentle declivity. It has a turning at right angles; and at the end of the side-passage, there is another door, communicating with a chamber sixty-four yards long, and almost as large as those before described. Beyond this room there is still another, similar in every respect, and having light admitted into it by some windows commanding a corridor (How this consists with its subterraneous position, we cannot explain: there is probably some error) fronting the south, and leading to the exterior of the edifice. Neither bas-reliefs nor any other embellishments were found in these places, nor did they present to notice any object, except some plain stones, two yards and a half long by one yard and a quarter broad, arranged horizontally upon four square stands of masonry, rising about half a yard above the ground. These I consider to have been receptacles for sleeping. Here all the doors terminated. "On an eminence to the south is another edifice, of about forty yards in height, forming a parallelogram, and resembling the first in the style of its architecture. It has square pillars, an exterior gallery, and a saloon twenty yards long by three and a half broad, embellished with stucco medio-reliefs, representing female figures with children in their arms, all of the natural size : these figures are without heads. In the inner wall of the gallery, on each side of the door leading into the saloon, are three stones, three yards in height and upwards of one in breadth, [ 164 ] covered with hieroglyphics in bas-relief. The whole of this gallery and saloon are paved. "Leaving this structure, and passing by the ruins of many others, which were probably accessory to the principal edifice, the declivity conducts to an open space, whereby the approach to another house in a southerly direction is rendered practicable * * * Eastward of this structure are three small eminences forming a triangle, upon each of which is a square building, eighteen yards long by eleven broad, of the same architecture as the former, but having, along thin roofings, several superstructures about three yards high, resembling turrets, covered with ornaments and devices in stucco. In the interior of the first of these three mansions, at the end of a gallery almost entirely dilapidated, is a saloon having a small chamber at each extremity. In the centre of the saloon is an oratory, rather more than three yards square, presenting on each side of the entrance a perpendicular stone, whereon is portrayed the image of a man in bas-relief. The outward decoration is confined to a sort of moulding, finished with small stucco bricks, on which are bas-reliefs. The pavement of the oratory is quite smooth, and eight inches thick. On perforating it in order to make an excavation, I found, about half a yard deep, a small round earthen vessel, about a foot in diameter, fitted horizontally with a mixture of lime to another of the same quality and dimensions. The digging being continued, a quarter of a yard beneath we discovered a circular stone of rather larger diameter than the first articles; and on removing this, a cylindrical cavity presented itself, about a foot wide and the third of a foot deep, con-taining a flint lance (lance-head?), two small conical [ 165 ] pyramids with the figure of a heart in dark crystallised stone, (known by the name of challa,) and two small earthen jars with covers, containing small stones and a ball of vermilion." The two other edifices are of similar architecture, divided internally in the same manner; and here also, the Don states, were found, by excavating under what he calls the oratories, a flint lance or lance-head, two conical pyramids with the representation of a heart, and two earthen jars. On digging in other parts, they found small pieces of challa "in the shape of lancets or razor-blades," and a number of small bones and teeth, which, together with specimens of the masonry, and representations of the principal bas-reliefs, were forwarded by Don Antonio to the commandant-general, in order to be transmitted to Europe. Among the seventeen plates which accompany the English translation, there is but one that exhibits any of the edifices. In this is represented a square building with two receding stories, which has apparently been carried higher. This we presume to be the tower referred to. There are square windows within arched niches, rudely cut; and between each story, a sort of frieze or ledge runs round the building. Branches of trees appear to have forced their way through the walls. The other plates contain representations of the bas-reliefs. These consist chiefly of figures in varied dresses and attitudes, and with different accompaniments, but all more or less decorously clothed, with caps or helmets adorned with flowers, pearls, and sundry nondescript ornaments. Necklaces and strings of pearls are a conspicuous decoration of most of the figures. But the most striking peculiarity in these representations is, the physiognomy of the [ 166 ] countenances, which is of one strongly marked character, though the individuals differ. A prodigious development of feature, especially of that which would be called the nose, but which in these personages comes nearer to a beak, is common to all of them; in almost all, the chin recedes not less remarkably than the proboscis protrudes; while some of the visages have the additional recommendation of being fearfully under-hung. This is especially the case with an old priest in a cap and apron, who holds an infant in his arms, doubtless with no very good purpose. In one of the plates, a figure whom we take to be a deity, is seated on a curious sort of throne, with one leg brought up into the lap, and the other depending, very much after the fashion of some of the Hindoo celestials, who prefer very odd and uncomfortable postures. This personage is very significantly pointing upwards with the fore-finger of the left hand, while the middle finger of the right is brought to rest emphatically upon the thumb, like a person talking with his fingers. The throne is ornamented with an enormous head and claw of an animal on each side of it; and perched on these heads are two undefined imp-like forms, with something resembling a flame proceeding from their forehead. In the next plate, a medallion of inferior execution represents a personage adorned with ear-rings, necklace, and bracelets, but no clothing except round the waist, seated a la Turque on a two-headed monster, and receiving a present from a full-dressed figure in a kneeling attitude. A smaller medallion, in the rudest style, represents a tree with a serpent twining round the trunk, and a bird perched on a branch hard by; and another presents a naked youth kneeling, and looking into the open jaws of a monstrous head, while another pair of tusks are [ 167 ] protruding at his back. It is observable, that none of the figures have a martial character, nor have they any weapon at all resembling a sword. But what the strange instruments are which they hold, or what they are engaged in, and what is the import of the strange hieroglyphics flourished round the largest drawing, we are unable to tell. * All the figures are beardless. The protruding under-lip is so much out of nature, that it suggests the idea of an artificial extension; and one might imagine that these personages set the fashion of wearing the botoque. One of the figures has, suspended from the neck, a very pretty ornament, which seems meant for an image of the sun. Other drawings are referred to in the Report, though they did not find their way with the MS. __________ * Doctor Paul Felix Cabrera, however, with an ingenuity and penetration truly marvellous, finds out the whole history of America in these rude representations, and tells us who the personages are, as readily as if they had all been his patients. The principal figure, it seems, is no other than Votan, great-grandson of Noah, who was the first man sent by God to America "to divide and portion out these Indian lands." He was not only a great prince, but an historical writer; and an account of his birth, parentage, and adventures, drawn up by himself, fell into the hands of the bishop of Chiapa, Don Francesco Nunez de la Vega, author of the "Diocesan Constitutions," printed at Rome in 1702, who was led to withhold it from the public only by his religious scruples, "on account of the mischievous use the Indians made of their histories in their superstition of nagualism" or demonology. It is much to be regretted, as the Doctor very sapiently observes, "that the place is unknown where these precious documents of history were deposited." But a still more lamentable loss to the world has been sustained in the destruction, by the hands of the same orthodox but over-zealous prelate, of certain large earthen vases containing figures in stone of the ancient Indian Pagans, which the unerring testimony of tradition ascribed to the same worthy American patriarch, and which consequently must have been the most ancient pottery now to be met with. [ 168 ] to the publisher, representing serpents, lizards, statues of men with palms in their hands, others beating drums and dancing, &c. &c. According to the testimony of a monk of Merida, who gave the account to Captain Del Rio, about twenty leagues south of that city are found the remains of similar edifices, the largest of which is in good preservation. Eight leagues to the northward of Merida are ruined walls of other stone-houses, which increase in number in an easterly direction. At Mani on the Rio de los Lagartos, is "a very ancient palace," resembling that at Palenque, which was for some time inhabited by the Franciscans while their convent was building: in the centre of the principal area stands a conical pillar or pyramid of stones. On the road from Merida to Bacalar occur many other buildings. These are evidently the pyramidal edifices which struck the Spanish conquerors with so much surprise on their first landing in the peninsula of Yucatan, and which they compared to Moorish mosques. There can be no doubt of their sepulchral character, although they may have answered, like other ancient monuments, the double purpose of temples and tombs. The province of Chiapa would thus seem to have received its aboriginal population from the same source as the peninsula of Yucatan; and if the language spoken by the Indians should prove to be the Maya, (a point which we must look to some future traveller to ascertain,) there will be no room for hesitation in referring these monuments of ancient civilisation to a race distinct from the Aztec, and bearing more affinity to the Zapotec Indians of Oaxaca. The Cyclopean masonry of the Cholulan builders, differs scarcely, less specifically from the architecture of Mitla and Palenque, than the temples of Nubia from the pyramids of Gheeza. |
"Ruins of Palenque" London Literary Gazette Nos. 769 & 770 London, Oct. 15 & 22, 1831 (no author listed) |
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ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE.
April 26, 1831.
SIR, -- I am desirous of communicating to the literary world, through your universally circulated
Gazette, some idea of these antiquities, which rescue ancient America from a charge of barbarism.
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ARTS AND SCIENCES.
In our last Gazette we gave some interesting details on the ruins of Palenque -- a city situated to the north-west
of the village of Santo Domingo, in the state of Chiapa, and in the ancient kingdom of Guatemala -- which details
were transmitted to us by Lieutenant-Colonel Galindo, governor of the adjoining province. We find, that we were
wrong in stating that this place was utterly unknown to European geography. It appears that, its far back as 1787,
Captain Antonio del Rio addressed a report to the King of Spain on the existence of these ruins, in the country then
designated by the name of Casas de Piedras; and in this report some of the facts are mentioned which are contained
in our correspondent's notice, more particularly the very remarkable occurrence of bas-reliefs representing the
adoration of the emblem of Christianity, and which are exhibited in Del Rio's work, subsequently translated and
published in this country. Baron de Humboldt had, with his ordinary sagacity, observed, that the half-civilised
people met with in 1537 by the conqueror Queseda, were clothed in cotton garments, and had the most intimate
relations with the people of Japan. Our correspondent's description bears out this notion: he mentions females
dressed in tippets and wrappers, worked like a plaid, and the ends also finely wrought. Since that period, in
comparing the cycle of the days of the Mayscus or Mayas, (the inhabitants of these uplands) with that of the
Japanese, M. de Paravey (Origine unique dei Chiffrei et des Lettres de tous les Peuples) found the same
significations in each (evidently astronomical) for the same numbers. Colonel Galindo is decidedly of opinion
that the Maya language was derived from these people, whose antiquity must have dated to a period anterior to
the foundation of Mexico, and their civilisation have surpassed that of the Peruvians. In fact, Palenque is,
in its historical importance, the Thebes of America.
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"Central America" American Quarterly Review Volume XI No. 21 Philadelphia, Mar. 1832 (no author listed) |
1. -- Guatimala, or the United Provinces of Central America, in 1827-28; being Sketches and Memorandums made
during a twelve month's residence in that Republic. By Henry Dunn. 1818 8vo. pp. 318.
The subject [of Thompson's] which next engages our attention, is that of antiquities, touching which we will offer a few particulars, such as our limited space permits. On a former occasion, we observed, that all America, both North and South, abounded with aarchaelogical remains, and we made particular allusion to Central America [American Quarterly, Sept. 1831 -- p. 152]. Very few portions of the New World have been so satisfactorily examined as New Spain, a denomination, which as was said before, included Guatemala. The learned researches of Hunboldt have brought us acquainted with a prodigious number of remarkable objects in Mexico, and it is to be regretted that no more of his time was devoted to the examination of the region of Guatemala; for though the connexion of the two countries was always, even before the conquest, very intimate, yet of the one we know much; while of the other we still remain exceedingly ignorant. We know enough of the civilized nations who inhabited this continent anterior to the Spanish conquest, to inflame curiosity, and to make us also deeply deplore the exuberance of fanatical folly, which impelled the Spaniards to destroy all the annals, and records, and monuments of the Americans, on which they could lay their Vandal hands. Some of these, however, were indestructible, and others, fortunately, escaped the fury of Bishop Zumaraga, a monk, the Spanish Omar -- who undertook the annihilation of whatever related to the worship, antiquities, and history of America. At a later period, the Chevalier Boturini, a Milanese, inspired with an ardent desire of investigating the antiquities, and anxious to preserve what might have survived the flame of religious persecution, visited this country, and collected invaluable materials. The student who reads the catalogue of the Chevalier's "Museo Indiano," printed at the end of his admirable work, will deplore the jaundiced and suspicious policy of Spain, which, on an idle imagination, flung this philospher in irons, and deprived the world of the fruits of his labour. He was subsequently released, and declared innocent, but he never recovered his property. Humboldt relates, that these valuable relics were preserved with so little care, "that there scarcely exisst at present an eighth part of the hieroglyphical manuscripts taken from the Italian traveller." It is impossible to contemplate so serious a loss without emotions of poignant regret. From the native authors alone, could sufficient light be expected, to clear up the obscurity which invested the history of the New World... The great question concerning the [origin] of the population of America, which has now nearly ceased to agitate the learned world, it is observed, is not properly the province of history; and it is a remarkable fact, that in every corner of the earth, and and at every period of time, have been found people who regarded themselves as autochthones. Obscure aboriginal traditions of the New World, constantly point back to a remote original from the Old; and though the respective languages supply feeble traces of ancient communication, yet the connexion is convincingly illustrated by the cosmogonies, the monumnets, the hieroglyphics, and institutions, of the Americans and the Asiatics. It is singular that no historical fact or tradition connects the natives of South America with those north of the isthumus of Panama, and the annals of the Mexican empire ascend to the sixth century of the Christian era; yet their respective political and religious histories are fraught with extraordinary coincidences. Men with beards, and clearer complexions than any American nation, suddenly made their appearance, their places of birth unknown, bearing the titles of priests, legislators, and friends of peace and the arts, and created miraculous changes in the policy of these different people. Quetzalcoatl, Bochica, and Manco Capac, are the sacred titled borme by these venerated and mysterious beings, and whose history is intermixed with miracles, religious fictions, and allegories... The great Cholulan manument had originally an altar on its top, dedicated to Quetxalcoatl, whom we have already mentioned. He was the Saturn of Anahuaac or Mexico, and his reign formed the Golden Age of that country. He is said to have governed the Mexicans during twenty happy years, at the expiration of which he disappeared, having previously assured them he would return and renew their felicity. It was the posterity of this saint, says Humboldt, whom the unhappy Montezuma thought he recognized in the soldiers of Cortez. "We know by our books," said he in his first interview with the Spanish General, "that myself and those who inhabit this country are not natives, but strangers who came from a great distance. We know, also, that the chief who led our ancestors hither, returned for a certain time to his primitive country, and thence came back to those who were here established. He found them married to the women of the land, having a numerous posterity, and living in cities which they had built. Our ancestors hearkened not to their ancient masters, and he returned alone...." The present inquiry opens too extensive a field for our limits, and in consequence, does not permit us even to allude to various antique dilapidations and vestiges of ancient cities, which stud the whole region of New Spain; we shall therefore be constrained to restrict our attention to the remains of an ancient city, called by the Spaniards El Palenque, concerning which numerous authors have spoken; but which is found more minutely described in the curious "Report" (penes nos) of Don Antonio del Rio [This "Report" was published in London, 1822, in quatro; and is entitled "Description of the Ruins..."] Remesal relates, that anciently some nations emigrated from the region of Nicaragua, and squatted in the province of Chiapa [Hist. de la Privincia de Chiapa y Gauatemala, fol. p. 264]. Juarros quotes from Nunez de la Vega, who was bishop of Chiapa at the end of the 17th century, in whose "Diocesan Constitutions" are preserved some curious particulars connected with Votan, who makes so distinguished a figure in the mythological history of Guatemala. The bishop mentions, that among those ancient calendats and historical documents, which fell into his hands, he finds the names of twenty founders of families, as Ninus or Mox, Ygh, Votan, Ghanan, &c. &c. Among these, Votan is decidedly the most extraordinary personage, and a separate book, written by Votan himself, giving his autobiography, is noticed. In the preface to his "Constiturions," Vega says, that Votan is the third Gentile placed in the Calendars; he wrote a historical tract in the Indian idiom, in which he gives an account of the places and nations he had visited, and that up to that time there remained in Teopixca some of his descendants. Votan says of himself, that he beheld the mighty wall or edifice, (meaning the tower of Babel,) which, by command of Noah, his grandfather, was built from earth to heaven; and that God appointed him to visit America, and divide the land; and that at Babel a different language was given to every nation. [Boturini, Idea, &c. p. 114. See, also, Juar. 208. and Cabrera, in Del Rio, p. 30]. Humboldt notices these ancient traditions of the aboriginals in Guatemala, and is particularly struck with the analogy between the name of Votan and the Scandinavian Wodan or Odin [Humb. Res. v. i. p. 173]. But who this Votan is, whether a real or emblematic personage; or whether he came from Scandinavia, from Egypt, or from Tripoli, is equally difficult to determine. One fact, however, is incontrovertible, namely, that Guatemala was inhabited at an exceedingly remote period by polished nations, who, according to Juarros and others, appear to have had some connexion with Egypt, as the sumptuous cities of Culhuacan and Tula, vestiges of which remain near Palenque and Ocisingo, abundantly demonstrate. It is evident, says the same author, that Culhuacan once rivaled in magnificance the most celebrated capitals of the old world. Stately temples, in which many hieroglyphics, symbols, devices, and mythological traces, have resisted the effects of time; portions of supurb palaces still remain; and an aqueduct of sufficient dimensions for a man to walk upright in, yet exists almost entire [Domingo Juarros, Historia de la Ciudad de Guatemala (2 vols., Guatemala, 1808-'18), English edition entitled "A Statistical and Commercial History of the Kingdom of Guatemala," London: 1823, p. 209]. The same author, speaking of the vestiges of Palenque, says, it was, doubtless,the capital of an empire whose history no longer exists. This metropolis, he continues, like another Herculaneum, not indeed overwhelmed by the torrent of another Vesuvius, but concealed for ages in the midst of a vast desert, remained unknown till the middle of the eighteenth century, when some Spaniards, having penetrated the dreary solitude, found themselves, to their great astonishment, within sight of the remains of what had been a supurb city, of six leagues of circumference; the solidity of its edifices, the stateliness of its palaces, and the magnificence of its public works, were not surpassed in importance by its vast extent; temples, altars, deities, scupltures, and monumental stones, bear testimony to its great antiquity. The hieroglyphics, symbols, and emblems, bear such a resemblance to those of Egypt, as to encourage the supposition that a colony of that nation may have founded the city of Palenque, or Culhuacan.... In consequence of this discovery, Captain Antonio Del Rio was ordered by the Spanish government to proceed thither, and make another examination of these ruins, the result of which was given in the "Report" of that officer, submitted in the following year. The translator of the Report informs us, that the original MS. was deposited among the archives of the city of New Guatemala, where it might have lain in oblivion forever, had not the political revolution in that country brought it to light. In obedience to his instructions, Captain Del Rio repaired to the spot, where he arrived on the 3d of May, 1787, and on the 5th, proceeded to the site of the ruined city, there called Cases de piedras, (stone houses.) The first essay was accomplished by great difficulties; a dense fog impeded their operations, by which also the main building, surrounded by copse wood, and huge trees in full foliage, and interwoven, was concealed from view. This compelled the party to return, and an order was issued, requiring two hundred Indians, well furnished with implements; by the aid of whom, and by felling, firing, and excavating, there soon remained neither a window nor a door-way blocked up, a partition that was not thrown down, nor a room, corridor, court, tower, nor subterranean passage, in which excavations were not effected from two to three yards in depth. From Palenque, the last town northward in Chiapa in a southwesterly direction, on a ridge that divides Guatemala from Yucatan or Campeachy, at the distance of six miles, is the little river Micol, about half a league beyond which the ruins are discovered, which obstruct the road for another half league, after which the height is gained whereupon the "stone houses" are situated, firteen in number, some more dilapidated than others, but still having many of their appartments perfectly discernible. A rectangular area, nine hundred feet in breadth, by thirteen hundred feet long, presents a plain at the base of the highest mountain of the rudge, and in the centre is the largest of these structures, standing on a mound sixty feet high, and surrounded by other edifices; namely, five to the northward, four to the southward, one to the south-east, and three to the eastward. In all directions the fragments of other fallen buildings are to be seen; the whole range of the ruins being computed to extend from twenty to twenty-five miles, though the breadth is comparatively small. From a similarity in the choice of situations, as well as in a subterranean stone aqueduct, very solid and durable, which passes under the largest building, Del Rio thinks there is some ground for hazarding a conjecture that the Romans may have visited these regions, and that the natives may have imbibed, during their stay, an idea of the arts. The eligible locality, the fertility of the soil, and the abundance of every thing necessary to comfort and tranquility; the quantity of fish found in the numerous navigable streams, and the laborious workmanship of their buildings, constructed without the use of iron or other metals, justify the belief that they lived peaceably, and enjoyed truer felicity than is now to be found in the concentrated luxeries of modern cities. There is reason to believe that they kept up an intercourse with their neighbours, and that their chief commerce was carried on with the kingdom of Yucatan. This is inferred from the uniformity and resemblance in their respective buildings, and from other monuments and vestiges, which plainly show that the two nations differed in a very slight degree; in proof of which the author cites the description given him by Thomas de Soza, a Franciscan friar, of various ruins near Merida in Yucatan, which clearly prove the identity of the people of that kingdom and the ancient Palencians. The interior architecture of the large building, strongly resembles the Gothic. The entrance is on the east side, by a portico or corridor one hundred and eight feet in length, by nine feet broad, supported by plain rectangular pillars, without bases or pedestals, upon which there are square smooth stones more than a foot thick, forming an architrave, while on the exterior superficies are species of stucco shields; and over the stones, another plain retangular block, five feet long and six broad, estending over two of the pillars. Medallions, or compartments in stucco, containing different devices, of the same material, decorate the chambers; and it is presumed, from vestiges of heads which can still be traced, that they were busts of a series of kings. Beyond this corridor there is a square court, entered by a flight of seven steps: the north side is entirely in ruins, but sufficient traces remain to show that it once had a chamber and corridor similar to those on the east side. The south side has four small chambers with no other ornament except two small windows, like those described. The western side corresponds to its opposite in all respects, except that the expressions of the figures are more rude and ridiculous. These fantastic and whimiscal forms were probably delineations of some of their deities. Proceeding in the same direction, there is another court similar in length to the last, but not so broad, having a passage round it that communicated with the opposite side; in this passage are two chambers, and an interior gallery, looking on one side upon the court yard, and commanding on the other a view of the open country. Here some pillars remain, on which are relievos, which apparently represent a mournful subject, perhaps the sacrifice of some wretched Indian, the devoted [sic - destined?] victim of a sanguinary religion. On the south side, the tower rises before the view; its height is near fifty feet, and to the four existing stories of the building, was perhaps added a fifth with a cupola, which, it is probable, it once possessed: although these piles diminish in size and are without ornament, yet their design is singular and ingenious. The tower has a well imitated artificial entrance, as was proved by making a horizontal excavation of about ten feet, which could not be carried further, as the stones and earth slipped down in large quantities from the pressure of the solid body in the centre. This proved to be an interior tower, quite plain, with windows fronting the former, and giving light to the steps which ascend to its summit. Behind the four chambers already mentioned, there are two others of larger dimensions, and ornamented in the rude Indian style. Among the embellishments are some enamelled stuccos; the Grecian heads represent sacred objects, to which they addressed their devotions and made their offerings, as the attitude of the statues placed on the sides denoted. Beyond these chambers or oratories, and extending from north to south, are two apartments, each upwards of eighty feet in length, by about ten broad; in which was found nothing worthy of notice, except an elliptical stone three feet above the pavement, the height of which was near four feet, and the breadth three. Below the elliptical stone above described, there is a plain rectangular block, six or seven feet long, by three feet and seven inches thick, placed upon four feet, in form of a table, with a figure in bas-relief in the attitude of supporting it. Various characters or symbols adorn the edges of the table, which, from their frequent occurrence, must once have had a determinate meaning. At the extremity of the last mentioned apartment, and on a level with the pavement, there is an aperture like a hatchway, six feet long and more than three broad, leading to a subterranean passage by a flight of steps, which, at a regular distance, forms flats or landings, each having its respective door-way. There were various entrances to this subterranean avenue, some of which were entirely blocked up by rubbish. On gaining the second door, artificial light became necessary to continue the descent into this gloomy abode, which was by a very gentle declivity. It has a turning at right angles, and at the end of the side passage there is another door, communicating with a chamber upwareds of two hundred feet long; beyond which is another, leading to the exterior of the edifice. Nothing of consequence appeared here excepting some plain stones, seven and a half feet long, by three or four broad, arranged horizontally upon four square stands of masonry, rising about a foot and a half above the ground. Thesewere probably receptacles for sleeping, as the large stones were partitioned off in the form of alcoves. Here all the doors and separations terminated, and as nothing but stones and earth were discovered by digging, the investigation was transferred to one of the buildings, situated on an eminence to the south, about one hundred and twenty feet in height. This edifice forming a parallelogram, resembled the first in its architecture. It has square pillars, an exterior gallery, and a saloon sixty feet long, by more than ten broad, embellished with a frontispiece, on which are described female figures as large as life, with children in their arms. These representations, however, are without heads; and there were other whimsical designs, which ornamented the corners of the house, Leaving this structure, and passing by the ruins of many others, which, perhaps, are only accessoroes to this principal edifice, the declivity conducts to a little valley, whereby the approach to another house in this direction (southerly) is practicable. To the eastward of this structure are three small eminences, forming a triangle, upon each of which is a square building, fifty-four long by thirty-three broad, of the same architecture as the former, but having, along their roofings, several superstructures about nine feet high, resembling turrets, covered with different ornaments and devices in stucco. In the interior of the first of these three mansions, at the end of a gallery almost entirely dilapidated, is a saloon, having a small chamber at each extremity, while in the centre of the saloon stands an oratory, about ten feet square, presenting on each side of the entrance, a perpendicular stone, whereon is portrayed the image of a man in bas-relief. The entire front of the oratory was found occupied by three stones joined together, on which were allegorical representations. The outward decoration was confined to a sort of moulding, finished with small stucco bricks, on which are bas-reliefs; the pavement of the oratory was quite smooth, and eight inches thick, which it was necessary to perforate in order to make an excavation. About a foot and a half beneath the pavement, was found a small round earthen vessel, a foot in diameter, fitted horizontally, with a mixture of lime, to another of the same kind: these were removed, and the digging being continued, at nine inches beneath was discovered a circular stone, and on removing ot, a cylindrical cavity presented itself, about a foot wide, and four inches deep, containing a flint lance, two small conical pyramids with the figure of a heart, in dark crystallized stone, very common in this country, and called challa. There were also two small earthen jars or ewers with covers, containing small stones, and a ball of vermilion. This depository was in centre of the oratory, and in each of the inner angles is a similar cavity, where other jars were buried. Del Rio says, that the subjects represented by the bas-reliefs, conveyed to his mind an idea, that it was here the natives venerated, as sacred objects, the remains of their heroes' and he is further of opinion, that the conclusion to be drawn from some of these structures, must be, that the ancient inhabitants lived in extreme darkness. In digging in various parts of the ground, a few articles were discovered, among which was an earthen vase broken in pieces, which contained small pieces of challa, in the shape of lancets, or thin blades of razors; and an earthen pot containing a number of small bones, grinders (molares,) and other teeth. The original MS. of this curious work appears to have fallen into the publisher's hands in a multilated condition, which will account for the incongruities between the text and the accompanying plates. These are seventeen in number, and one of them represents the tower described above. The rest of the plates present a variety of figures in peculiar attitudes, and surrounded by, and decorated with, numberless outre ornaments; among all which there does not appear to be any thing like martial implements. It is impossible to give a minute account of all the plates; but there is one physiognomical phenomenon pervading all the human figures, which must not be omitted: this is, a marvellous development of the nasal organ, and an unnatural protrusion of the nether lip. One of the pictoral representations of this volume was made use of by Mr. Humboldt, to show the extraordinary linements of the face, which, it is said, are unlike those of any nation now existing, or that have been hitherto found in the sculptured representations of antiquity. When we reflect upon the advancement recently made in oriental literature, and the stupendous discovery of the sacred language of Egypt that burst so unexpectedly upon the learned world, we cannot but lament the strange apathy which prevails at present, in regard to the monuments of the New World... No country or people has escaped the attention of those who employed their wits in the grand question of the American population. Some even contended that America was peopled from the Old World before the deluge, because we have accounts of giants in the New World, who, according to Holy Writ, were an antediluvan race. The Grecians, the Romans, the Spaniards, the Irish, the Courlanders, and the Russians; the Egyptians, Carthagenians, and Numidians; the Israelites, the Canaanites, the Assyrians, the Phoenicians, the Persians, the Tartars, the East Indians, the Chinese, and the Japanese, have been respectively brought forward to support different hypotheses ir systems. Even Plato's famous isle of Atlantis was resorted to, to furnish materials for the primitive population of this continent [Clavigero's Hist. of Mexico, vol ii. p. 204]. The indefinite antiquity of the Americans, however, has been inferred, with sufficient probability, from several considerations. First, they were found destitute of many arts and inventions, among which may be noted the use of wax and oil for light, necessities very ancient in the Old World, and which, when once discovered, are never forgotten. Second -- they had traditions of the creation of the world -- of the mother of mankind falling from a state of happy innocence -- of a deluge, and the escape of a single family on a raft -- of the building of Babel, the confusion of tongues, and dispersion of nations: but here tradition failed, and they had no farther knowledge of the momentous events which afterwards happened in Africa, Asia, and Europe. And, last, they had retained no knowledge of the people of the Old World, nor had the latter any account of the passage of the former to the New World. This last consideration, which is given by Clavigero [Hist. of Mexico. -- Dissert. 1. On the population of America, v. ii. p. 200], appears in part inaccurate; because both the people of Mexico, as well as those of the province of Chiapa, had preserved dim and shadowy records of some distant people who had once been among them; and from the letter of Cortez to Charles the Fifth, it would seem that the arrival of the Spaniards was not altogether unexpected by the subjects of Montezuma. These reflections would naturally lead us to the examination of the work of Doctor Paul Felix Cabrera, accompanying the "Report" of Del Rio, in which the monuments found by the latter are attempted to be analysed and compared with those of Egypt and other countries, and a "Grand Solution" is confidently given of the historical problem of the original population; but this would occupy more time than we, and more patience than our readers, would be willing to bestow. Besides, the "Grand Solution" has been received with portentous indifference, an indifference, however, which, whether it spring from the coldness with which great truths are at first universally greeted, or from the manifest futility of the "Solution" itself, we are unable to muster sufficient resilution to reprehend. In addition to the information concerning the mysterious Votan, taken from Nunez de la Vega, Cabrera gives some curious notices from Son Ramon Ordonez de Aguiar, a native of Cuidad Real, whom he calls a man of extraordinary genius, and who, it appears, was employed in composing an "Historia del Cielo y de la Tierra." The memoir of Votan, in the possession of Don Ramon, was written in ordinary characters in the Tzendal language, and, it is pretended, was copied from the original in hieroglyphics. At the top of the first leaf of this extraordinary historical MS., we are told, the two continents are painted in different colours, in two small squares, placed parallel to each other in the angles; the one representing Europe, Asia, and Africa is marked with two large SS, upon the upper arms of two bars drawn from the opposite angles of each square, forming the point of union in the centre; that which indicates America, has two SS placed horizontally on the bars. When speaking of the places he had visited on the old continent, Votan marks them on the margin of each chapter, with an upright S, and those of America with an horizontal S. Between these squares stands the title of the history, viz. -- "Proof that I am Culebra," (a snake,) which title is most lucidly proved in the body of his work, by another assertion, viz. "that he is Culebra because he is Chivim." Now this is very laconic speech, and at first sight appears quite inconclusive; but Doctor Paul Felix Cabrera, with infinite erudition and astuteness, explains it much to his own satisfaction; and triumphantly concludes, (risum teneatis amici?) that the mystical expression "I am Culebra because I am Chivim," is exactly equivalent to "I am a Hivite, native of Tripoli in Syria!" We must now conclude. Those who regard this subject naso adunco, will already be wearied; while others, whose curiosity is excited, may turn to the "Grand Solution." We have nothing to add, except that we should be happy to see a translation of Votan's mystical tract. This is an age in which the most obstinate hieroglyphics yield to patient and ingenious scrutiny; and a true interpretation of the figurative style of this book might lead to odd results. The progress of knowledge, and rapid march of discovery, are such, that we are prepared for any thing. Within a few years past, a conspicuous individual found out the real "Solution" of the Apocalypse, of which, he declared publicly, he was willing to take his corporal oath. In regard to Cabrera, were he alive, he doubtless would be willing to take an oath also; as it is, he has left on record his affirmation, and the proofs of his "Solution." God firbid that we should question the oath or affirmation of any man breathing, however obscure, wild, or perfectly ridiculous his assertions may appear! |
"Discovery of Ancient Ruins in Central America," Evening and Morning Star Volume I No. 9 Independence, Feb. 1833 (William W. Phelps?) |
[71-72]
A late number of the London Literary Gazette, contains a letter from Lieut. Col. Galindo, at Peten, in Central America,
giving some idea of those antiquities which rescue ancient America from the charge of barbarism. These ruins extend for
more than twenty miles, and must anciently have embraced a city and its suburbs. The principal edifice is supposed to
have been a palace, formed of two rows of galleries, eight feet wide, separated by walls a yard thick; the height of
the walls to the eaves is nine feet, and thence three yards more to the top. The stones of which all the edifices are
built, are about eighteen inches long, nine broad and two thick, cemented by morter. The front of the palace contained
five lofty and wide doors. Numerous statues of stone are scattered about. In another building, which Col. G. calls
the study, are numerous full length figures, of about six feet high, some of them holding naked infants on their right
arms, and not in the manner of the modern Indian woman, who always set their children astride on their hips. A place
of religious worship and a prison, complete the list of buildings enumerated by Col. G.
|
"American Antiquities" The Knickerbocker Volume II No. 5 New York, Nov. 1833 (no author listed) |
AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES It is now some four or five years, since a brief article went the rounds of the papers, stating that the ruins of an extensive city had been discovered in the interior of Mexico, which had been surrounded with a wall of vast circumference, and of regular hewn stone masonry. In the precincts of this American Babylon in ruins, were towers, temples, columns, arches, and massive fallen fragments of every form and size of dwellings, streets choked up with rubbish, and all the memorials of a city of great former populousness and splendor, of an architecture more resembling Greek and Roman remains, than those of the Incas, or Mexican princes. The silence of Spanish antiquarians and topographical writers upon a subject of such absorbing interest, caused the report to be doubted. Recent researches have, however, removed all uncertainty upon the subject, and the following memoir, read before the Lyceum of this city by Dr. Akerly, embraces all the details hitherto known upon the subject. The memoir consists of letters and the dedication of a work on the subject from Dr. Corroy, one of the most enterprising antiquarians engaged in investigating these extraordinary remains. The locality of the ruins is as follows: The nearest maritime town is that from which the captain sailed. It is called Laguria, or Isle of Carmine, laid down on the charts as Laguira de Terminos, in latitude 18 degrees 33 minutes north, longitude 19 degrees 49 minutes west from Washington. It is called by the Mexicans and the natives 'The Holy City,' and is 150 miles west of Laguira, in the interior. Laguira is near Campeachy, and within the political limits of Mexico. It would appear, however, says the Evening Post, from the letter of another correspondent of Dr. Akerly, that there is still a large field of antiquities in Central America unexplored by scientific research. The forests to the east and west of Palenque, are full of the gigantic ruins of a race now vanished and forgotten, who possessed a degree of civilization greater than that of any aboriginal nation at the time of the Spanish conquest, and perhaps a written language, and the only records of whose existence are the ruins of their vast edifices, their bas-reliefs, their statues, and their inscriptions in an unknown character and dialect. THREE VISITS TO THE RUINS OF PALENQUE. Letters describing three journeys to the ruins, dedicated to Dr. by Samuel Ackerly, a citizen of the United States of North America, a member of the Lyceum of Natural History in the city of New-York, &c., &c., &c., written by his associate member, and affectionate friend. F. C.State of Tabasco, in the Mexican Federation, in the year 1833. DEDICATION Dear Doctor,These historical letters, although very imperfect, are the result of much labor and fatigue, attended with heavy expense. You will not find in them any elegance of style, but only a faithful description. The Ruins being in the interior, it has been impossible for me to reside on the spot, according to my original plan; and to avoid repetition, you will find my reasons in the course of my letters both for your own information and for that of the public. It was quite impossible for me to treat of the first expeditions that were made for the conquest of Mexico, and I have therefore left that subject to professed historians, and have confined myself chiefly to the attempt to give an idea of Tabasco, my adopted country, where I have now resided nearly twenty-six years. I have endeavored to give a brief description of the fertile territory of the state, which is absolutely unknown to literary men, naturalists, and intelligent writers; and also very imperfectly known to geographers, and even to the authors of the best gazetteers; it seems indeed as if God and man had abandoned it to eternal oblivion. Some of my friends have requested me to write the history of this region. But, my dear doctor, I am deficient in the qualifications of an historian. But you will perhaps ask, since I find myself unable to give the history of a territory inhabited for little more than three centuries, how I can venture to write a history of the ruins, masses and piles of stones, whose antiquity reaches back more than four thousand years. To this I answer, first, as before said, I am deficient in the qualifications of an historian; second, that it is very difficult to obtain the necessary documents and materials; third, that not a single historian, geographer, or other wruter has treated or written of Tabasco, except of Juan Grijaloa's entrance into it, and of its conquest by Herman Cortes, which took place on the 25th March, 1519, and very superficially even of these facts. Now it is indisputable that the title deeds in my possession of my own farm, from the original documents preserved in the archives of Mexico, dated in the year 1613, carry us back 220 years from the year 1833, and throw some faint light on the ancient city, called by the conquerors 'De Nuestra Senora de la Victoria,' (our Lady of Victory( which became the first capital of this ancient province, now the state of Tabasco, and the scene of the victory of Herman Cortes. But my materials are not sufficient; on the contrary, they only throw deeper obscurity over my investigations into the history of Tabasco; so that I have prepared nothing, and have by no means all that is requisite to form the cement of the work. On the other hand, I have in a complete state, Three Journeys or Excursions to the Ruins; I have a Manuscript History of them; I have examined with particular attention their remains, their edifices, their subterreanean apartments, and inscriptions, and above all, the enormus tablets of written characters, and as Botarini calls them the songs. I have examined the gigantic figures, and whatever else time has spared; and have compared them all with the drawings in my possession, particularly with the plan of the principle palace, which the artist, Mr. Juan Frederic Waldeck, executed on the basis of one in my possession, and corrected by his personal observation; in addition, I have in my possession many other materials; as for instance, idols which I have compared with others found in different spots, but which plainly appear to have belonged to the same people; lastly, I have the information which Don SAverio Clavigero gives of the Italian (Milanese) traveller Don Lorenzo Botarino Benadani, as also the modern, valuable, and instructive German work which I shall quote. With these materials, I have no doubt of being able to prove that the enigmatical ruins known by the name Palenque, or the Stone Houses, are those of a city once inhabited by the Toltecan, or Toltequan nation, built as is supposed, 4600 years ago; that it was known by the name of Huchuetlapallan, and Tiapallan; that it was abandoned by its inhabitants from about the year 544 after Christ, and that from this epoch to the present year 1833, we have 1289 years, which long space of time accounts sufficiently for our now finding no entire palace or edifices, but only fragments and ruins. At the request of the Society of Geography at Paris, of which I have the honor to be a regular member, I have prepared an account of the basso-relievoes of the adoration of the cross, and an exact description of the river Michol, improperly called Micol, all which will appear in my third excursion. By means of the materials to which I have referred, I hope, dear doctor, to make it plainly appear that the true origin of our mysterious ruins is now discovered; and if this should not be proved, or should be at all questionable, the hope at least will remain to me, that antiquarians and linguists of talent, like Messrs. Rifaud and Bail of France, or others of other nations, may make a voyage hither for the express object of visiting these ruins, and may decipher the characters which are still intelligible, establish a true hypothesis, and remove all ignorance respecting the origin of these prodigious remains. But what I have promised in this respect I shall attempt in the account of my third excursion; and this I ought to finish as soon as possible, since the whole seems threatened with speedy and utter ruin. Although it is my wish, dear doctor, not to enlarge in this dedication, a fault which is always wearisome to the curious reader, yet I cannot omit to state, that from the time I first thought of publishing my investigations, my determination was absolutely to avoid politics; but reasons affecting my character and my honor compel me to touch on that subject which I will endeavor, however, satisfactorily to explain. I remain your very affectionate friend and servant. FRANCISCO CORRY. Tabasco, 1833. Correspondence with Dr. Francisco Corroy, of Tabasco, in Central America, on the Ruins of Palenque. Read before the New-York Lyceum of Natural History, September 23, 1833. By Samuel Ackerley, M.D. A corresponding member of this Society, resident in Tabasco, one of the States in the confederacy of Mexico, has been many years engaged in the investigation of a subject of deep interest to the learned world. Though not connected with the immediate objects of the Lyceum of Natural History, yet the writer of this communication is induced to offer it to the Society, as it will make known to the members the labors of one of their foreign associates. The subject to which the attention of the Society is now invited belongs to the Antiquities of America, in the central parts of which have been discovered the ruins of an immense city, overgrown by a dense forest of huge trees; on the clearing away of which, large edifices have been brought to light. together with temples and palaces built of hewn stone. Though in a state of great dilapidation, the rubbish has been cleared away from some of them, and their interior explored, exhibiting to the view of the astonished beholder evidences of a nation once existing there, highly skilled in the mechanic arts, and in a state of civilization far beyond any thing that we have been led to believe of the aborigines previous to the discovery of Columbus. The writer's attention has been drawn to this subject by a correspondence with Dr. Francisco Corroy, of Tabasco, who has been many years laboriously investigating these ruins, collecting information, making delineations of the penates, idols, and priapi found in that region, and the remarkable figures in relief upon the interior wall of these dilapidated temples and palaces. The outline of one of these palaces has been traced by Dr. Corroy, and be states it to be more extensive than the Tuileries of Paris. The information collected by him from personal observation and otherwise has been embodied in a series of letters addressed and dedicated to the writer hereof, and ample enough to make two volumes, which are intended for publication at some future time as he is still engaged in the same interesting researches. To most persons in this country an inquiry into this subject may be considered more curious than useful. And so it may be in relation to our immediate and pressing wants. But may not important results arise from the investigation of such a subject? Who can read or hear without astonishment the fact, that in the province of Chaipa in Central America, has been found a city in ruins, formerly constructed of stone, situated on an elevated plain, covered with an umbrageous forest, the growth of hundreds of years, beneath which are still found the mouldering fragments enveloped in the rubbish of their own destruction? This city has been ascertained to extend along the plain in one direction from seven to eight Spanish leagues, which are equal to about thirty English miles. The antiquities of a people inhabiting a city sixty or more miles in circumference, centuries since in a flourishing condition, on the continent of America, cannot fail, when better known and further investigated, to attract the attention of every reflecting mind. The name of this city, so ancient and of such astonishing magnitude, is unknown, though distinguished by writers, and the modern residents of the country, as the RUINS OF PALENQUE, which name is derived from a neighbouring Spanish settlement. Dr. P. F. Cabrera, of New Guatemala, the commentator on Captain Del Rio's account of these ruins, has endeavoured to prove that the ancient and true name of the city was Huchuettapallan. Professor Rafinesque, of Philadelphia, who has also made these ruins a subject of investigation, connected with his History of American nations, denominates the ruined city OTOLUM, a name still applied to a stream in the immediate neighbourhood. The reasons for adopting these names will be given in the course of this communication from the authors themselves. The ruins of this ancient city are beginning to attract the attention of the scavans of Europe, and the Geographical Society of Paris has offered a premium of four thousand francs, or eight hundred dollars, for the best account of them. The work of Dr. Corroy will probably merit the reward when made known and forwarded to the society. But he is not yet informed that such a reward has been offered, nor is it known to the society that he has written on the subject. In making this communication the writer has no other design than to call the attention of the American public to this interesting inquiry, by stating the substance of his correspondence with Dr. Corroy on these immense ruins, and information collected from other sources relating to the same subject. The friend and correspondent of the writer is a French physician. Long a resident and practitioner of medicine of Villa Hermosa, or Tabasco, on a river of that name about seventy-five miles from its embouchure in the Gulf of Mexico. Tabasco is also the name of one of the states in the confederacy of Mexico, lying south of Vera Cruz, and east of Guatemala. Dr. Corroy has been many years enthusiastically devoted to the investigation of the ruins of this ancient city, which is forty leagues in a south-westerly direction from Tabasco from whence he has made several excursions to explore them. A gentleman from New York, who has been at Tabasco and is acquainted with Dr. Corroy, states in a letter to the writer that 'the doctor is a worthy man and hospitality is his motto.' Dr. Corroy's correspondence was first commenced with our late learned and distinguished countryman and member of this society, Dr. Samuel L. Mitchill, whose papers, books, and manuscripts were bequeathed to the writer. Among them are numerous letters on the antiquities of North America, but none of them detail facts so surprising as those relating to the ruins near Palenque in Central America. The first letter to Dr. Mitchill, dated at Tabasco, 29th December, 1830, gives the information that Dr. Corroy was constantly engaged in making researches and collecting materials from these interesting ruins, preserving and delineating those worthy of such care; among which were numerous idols, and one of an unknown substance, upon which he set a high value. Dr. Corroy also states in this letter, that he had sent Dr. Mitchill, by the brig Eliza, of New-York, a fragment of a sculptured head from the ruins, in size two French feet by one and a half. Dr. Mitchill was requested to satisfy his own curiosity with this piece of antiquity, and then forward it to Mr. Jomard, member of the Geographical Society of Paris. The brig Eliza having been lost by shipwreck, together with her cargo, the sculptured head was never received. The second letter to Dr. Mitchill, was dated at Tabasco, 15th May 1831. This letter was accompanied by a small box, containing several idols of baked earth, the head of a snake, and a hollow cup or vase of the same materials, found in the neighborhood of Tabasco. These however are similar to those discovered among the ruins. The idols were four or five inches in height with two holes in the lower posterior part, forming a whistle, each one of a different sound or key. These remains of Indian antiquity were also requested to be forwarded to Mr. Jomard. They did not arrive in New-York until after the death of Dr. Mitchill, which caused a delay of their transmission to Paris, and which was subsequently effected by the writer hereof The third letter of Dr. Corroy is dated at Tabasco, 30th November, 1832, and is directed to Dr. Akerly, the writer, in consequence of his announcing the death of Dr. Mitchill, and proposing to continue the correspondence. In this letter Dr. Corroy says: 'I was at Palenque, on my third visit exploring these admirable ruins, when, on the 21st July, 1832, I received your letter of March last, on which account I have been unable to answer it until the present time. It is impossible to give you in one letter the details of things so surprising discovered in this ruined city. At present I can only inform you, that since September, 1819, to the end of October, 1832, I have been constantly engaged in collecting materials, and preparing a work for publication. The materials are copious, and will form two volumes, and I propose to put them in the form of letters written and dedicated to you, for which I ask your permission, and request your affirmative reply. I have a description of these ruins, which neither Don Antonio Del Rio, nor any other person has been able to give. The expenses of my voyages and explorations have cost me more than four thousand five hundred dollars. I possess, my dear doctor, many idols, some of them formed of baked earth, others of stone, and one of a material supposed to be a petrifaction of jasper, or of a species of marble, and also one of gold, but unfortunately for me, its value is only about four dollars." A fourth letter dated 8th January, 1833, is a duplicate of the preceding, adding that although born a Parisian, he has been so long a resident in Spanish America, and accustomed to speak and write in the Spanish language, that it is easier for him to do so in that, than in his native tongue. He is also anxious to know if Mr. Jomard has received the box of idols, and why he has not heard from him. This is already explained by the fact of Dr. Mitchill's death, and subsequent events delaying the transmission of them to Paris. A letter from Dr. Corroy, dated at Tabasco, January 24th, 1833, advises the writer of his continuing to pursue the pleasing subject of the investigation of the ruins. He also enclosed a communication in the Spanish language, on the subject of a native plant of Tabasco, known there by the name of the Bejuco (Lianne) Guaco, which is an antidote to the bite of venomous serpents. This essay on the Guaco the writer has caused to be translated, and will make it the subject of a separate communication. The plant or vine is the Eupatorium Guaco, which appears to be unknown to Dr. Corroy, who does not profess to be a botanist. The genus to which it belongs is in favor of its possessing remedial virtues, for there are three species of eupatorium in these United States of North America, all possessing medicinal qualities, viz: Eupatorium perfoliaatum, Thoroughwort; Eupatiteucrifolium, Wild Horehound; and Eupat. purpureum, Gravelroot. To these letters of inquiry as to the publication of his work in New-York, and the dedication of it to the writer, he was informed that upon consultation with the Messrs. Harpers and other publishers here, it was his and their opinion, that although it would, and must necessarily be a very interesting work, it must be illustrated with numerous plates, the engraving of which would be expensive, and the sale so limited as not to compensate him for his expenditures. Paris or London was therefore advised as the most likely place to succeed. This admission was made with regret, but justice required that this advice should be given to prevent a friend from running into a ruinous expense, without benefit to himself, or the scientific world. As to the dedication, he was advised to make it to some one that was known among the Scavans, and whose name would direct the attention of the public to this great work. The next letter from Dr. Corroy, dated Tabasco, May 5th, 1833, and directed to the writer, announces as follows: 'I had the honor, two days since, to receive your very agreeable letter, dated at New York, 15th May last, remitted to me by Mr. Eastman. I feel very sensibly his attention to my wishes in conveying my letter to you and in taking charge of the articles you sent with your reply, and I am much indebted to your goodness. A paragraph in one of the papers of New-York, announcing the substance of one of the letters from Dr. Corroy, elicited one from Mr. George Champley, dated at New-York, 20th April 1833, directed to the writer, in which he says: 'A few days ago, perusing a city paper, I saw a communication to your address, (which I know to be from a friend of mine in Tabasco,) respecting the 'Ruins of Palenque.' After mentioning the 'Idol of massive gold,' and other things connected with this (not) 'singular place,' (as there are other immense piles of ruins, which I am inclined to think my worthy friend Dr. Corroy has no knowledge of,) he states his having vases, &c. made from an unknown substance.' The whole of these articles I saw in Tabasco, in 1831-2, at the doctor's Sitio, when on my journey to the interior and the Pacific across the Andes. The unknown substance, mentioned in the foregoing letter, a specimen of which was sent by Mr. Champley to the writer, proved upon examination to be calcareous spar. The last letter received from Dr. Corroy, dated at Tabasco, 1st June, 1833, contains the following information. The bearer of this is an intimate friend of mine, Mr. J. N. Pieper, merchant of this place, whom I take the liberty of particularly recommending to your attention, &c. The preceding contains abstracts of the most interesting parts of Dr. Corroy's letters, written in French, from which we may infer he has made considerable discoveries and developments of these ancient ruins, in addition to those of Del Rio already published. Mr. Champley's letters state that there are other "immense piles of ruins" in that interesting country not known to Dr. Corroy. Some of these, however, are doubtless referred to by Del Rio as existing in Yucatan and other places not visited by him, and such as the Spaniards now designate as "casas piedras" or stone houses. At twenty leagues south of the city of Merida, in Yucatan, are a number of these stone edifices. Of them "one very large building has withstood the ravages of time, and still exists in good preservation; the natives gave it the name of Oxmutal. It stands on an eminence of twenty yards in height, and measures two hundred yards on each facade. The apartments, the exterior corridor, the pillars with figures in me dio relievo, and decorated with serpents, lizards, &c., formed in stucco, beside which are statues of men with palms in their hands in the act of beating drums and dancing, resembling in every respect those observable in the buildings of Palenque.' (Del Rio, page 7.) These and other similar ruins in Yucatan lie to the eastward of Palenque, and the other "immense piles of ruins," referred to by Mr. Champley, lie to the westward, as observed by him on his journey across the country to the Pacific ocean. These astonishing facts indicate the existence and extermination of a people who constructed and inhabited these stone buildings long before the discovery of Columbus, as the Spaniards at the time of the conquest of that part of the continent, found such of these stone edifices as were not in ruins inhabited by people who were not their builders, and to whom the nation that had erected and ornamented them, and the period of their construction, were unknown. The immense extent of these ruins and the casas piedras, (stone houses) scattered over the country in different directions, would lead to the belief, that at a remote period the country was inhabited by a populous nation, highly skilled in the arts which now afford us the only records whereby to ascertain their existence. The first account of these Ruins was published in London, in 1822, being an English translation of the report of Del Rio, together with the commentaries of Cabrera. Since that time the attention of the learned men of Europe has been directed to their further investigation, but Dr. Corroy, residing in the neighborhood of the Ruins, has probably made the greatest progress in these researches. 'Antonio Del Rio, Captain of Artillery, was sent, in consequence of an order from his Majesty Charles the Third, dated March 15th, 1786, by his Excellency Don Joseph Estacheria, Captain General of Guatemala, to examine the ruins of a city of very great extent and antiquity, the name of which was unknown, that was discovered in the vicinity of Palenque, district of Carmen, in the province of Chiapa, where he found magnificent edifices, temples, towers, aqueducts, statues, hieroglyphics, and unknown characters, that have withstood the ravages of time and the succession of ages, and of which he made many plans and drawings.' (Cabrera's Comment on Del Rio, p 36.) In consequence of this order, Captain Del Rio was sent with a large party of men armed with axes, billhooks and other implements, to remove the trees and shrubs with which the ruins were overgrown, and having cleared the ground and removed the rubbish, he penetrated the interior of these temples, towers, palaces, &c. and was the first to bring to light the aqueducts, statues, hieroglyphics, and the unknown characters and bas-reliefs upon the walls. The report of Captain Del Rio was accompanied by many drawings and representations of the curious and mysterious figures and writings discovered in the interior of these stone buildings. The policy of the Spanish government caused these interesting relies of antiquity to be concealed, and they probably would not have been given to the public, had not the revolution in Mexico brought them to light, and their subsequent publication in 1822, together with the remarks and comments of Dr. Paul Felix Cabrera of the city of New-Guatemala. Del Rio's report is short and defective, and many of the drawings and delineations referred to are wanting. A more perfect account of the Ruins of Palenque is a desideratum. For such, the Geographical Society of Paris has offered a premium of eight hundred dollars, and such an account will in all probability be found in the manuscript work of Dr. Francisco Corroy, corresponding member of the Lyceum. Cabrera endeavours to trace the origin of the people who were the constructors and inhabitants of these casas piedras, or stone houses, now in ruins; and even to fix the date of their arrival from Africa. He states his belief that they had their origin from the Carthagenians, (Del Rio, p. 95,) that the Carthagenians visited America before the Christian era, and "that the first colony sent to America by them was previous to the first Punic war," (p. 85,) between the Romans and Carthagenians, which commenced "in the four hundred and ninetieth year of Rome, and the two hundred and sixty-fifth year before Christ," (p. 84.) and that they established the kingdom of Amaguemecan, or Anahuac, at some period during the. first Punic war (p. 76.) This kingdom, however, was not of long continuance, and its ruin gave rise to that of Tula, or the Tultecas. 'The origin of the Tulteca nation, hitherto unknown, (says Cabrera, p. 75,) has now been proved; they were Chichimecas or Naquatlacas, like the others, but so much exceeding them in stature, that there were some of gigantic size among them; they obtained the name of Tultecas from excelling in manufacures and arts, particularly that of working in gold and silver:' Torquemada says the word Tultecas means 'excellent artist.' The name of their capital, now in ruins, near Palenque, is said by the same authority to have been Huehuetlapallan. This "is a compound name of two words, Huehue, old, and Tlapallan; and it seems the Tultecas prefixed the adjective to distinguish it from three other places which they founded in the districts of their new kingdom, to perpetuate their attachment to their ancient country, and their grief at being expelled from the same; whence it arose that the place which formerly had the simple name of Tlapallan, was afterward denominated Huehuetlapallan; at least so says Torquemada. Such, without doubt, was the name which anciently distinguished the Palencian City." (Cabrera, p. 94.) Professor Rafinesque of Philadelphia, however, states that the true name of this ancient city was OTOLUM. In a late interview with him, the writer submitted the foregoing correspondence, and the Professor has given his views on the subject in a letter to Dr. Corroy, of which he has permitted an extract. viz: 'I have been some time engaged in preparing a work on the general history of the people of the two Americas, and I have been necessarily attracted by the antiquities of Central America. My work is based upon Philology as a means of tracing the origin of nations. A branch of the work, on the origin of the primitive Asiatic and American Negroes, (for there were negroes in America before the discovery of Columbus,) has procured me a golden medal from the Geographical Society of Paris. I have traced the origin of black people to the centre of Asia, whence all others have diverged like rays. Here is a conjecture which merits every attention. I apprize you of another still more important. 'I have been in search, and have at length found the key to the inscriptions of Palenque or Otolum. I have given to Dr. Akerly to be forwarded to you my table containing this key, printed in 1832, and entitled a Tabular view of the compared Atlantic Alphabets and Glyphs of Africa and America. I have there analyzed the Glyphs of Palenque, and discovered that each glyph is a word composed of ornamented letters, after the manner of our anagrams, and according to the practice of the ancient Chinese. I have collected many of these letters forming glyphs, (for they take many forms as in Egypt,) and compared them with the two ancient known alphabets of Africa, the Lybian, and the Tuaric, the parents of the ancient African Atlantes. Here is my great discovery, and it is for you and other explorers of the ruins to verify and confirm it.' The table of professor Rafinesque, and the drawings forwarded by Dr. Corroy, are herewith submitted. It is, perhaps, too early to enter into conjectures on the origin of the people who constructed these casas piedras, or stone houses, and who were expelled or exterminated by more savage tribes. More extensive explorations of the ruins are required, and further information, before we can draw correct conclusions. Something may be expected from Dr. Corroy, but it is very much to be regretted that so little attention is paid to scientific researches like his, that his work cannot be published in New-York with advantage to the author. Cabrera's remarks on Del Rio are very plausible, profound, and learned, but not conclusive as to the Carthagenian origin of the people of Palenque. Professor Rafinesque, by a new method of inquiry, has arrived at results which promise great aid in developing the obscurities which hang over these interesting ruins. His researches are creditable to his zeal and industry, and are evidences of a profound spirit of investigation. In the mean time we must wait for further developments by Corroy, Waldeck, Rafinesque, and others. |
"Ruins of the Ancient City" "Origin of the American Indians" The Family Magazine Volume I Nos. 34-50 New York, 1833-34 (various authors) |
Family Magazine Reprint #1
[Transcriber's note: The following account comprises a report of Capt. Antonio Del Rio to Don Jose Estacheria, Governor, and Commandant General of Guatemala. It was first published in English in 1822. The text was reprinted between Dec. 7, 1833 and Jan. 4, 1834 as the first five installments in a nine part article in the Family Magazine, entitled "Ruins of the Ancient City."] Sir, -- In compliance with a resolution of his Majesty, communicated by his royal order, bearing date May 15th, 1786, relative to another examination of the ruins discovered in the vicinity of Palenque, in the province of Ciudad Real de Chiapa in New Spain, you was pleased, on the 20th of March last, to desire that I should proceed thither, in order to renew the operations directed by the different items comprised in the said order, and to exert all the industry and means in my power for the accomplishment of the intended object I accepted this charge with the greater degree of satisfaction, as I thereby felt convinced of the honorable confidence you reposed in me for the execution of this task, and I therefore lost no time in repairing to the spot, where I arrived on the 3d of May, and on the 5th proceeded to the site of the ruined city, which is there called Casas de Piedras (stone houses.) On making my first essay, I experienced some of the difficulties attendant upon such an undertaking, in consequence of my being unable to discover the direction in which I ought to advance, owing to a fog so extremely dense, that it was impossible to distinguish each other at the distance of five paces; and whereby the principal building, surrounded by copse wood trees of large dimensions, in full foliage and closely interwoven, was completely concealed from our view. This first impediment occasioned my return to the village on the following day, with the intention of concerting with Don Joseph Alonzo de Calderon, deputy of the district, the necessary means of procuring as many Indians and persons speaking the Spanish language, as could be collected, for the purpose of effectually clearing these woody obstructions. Accordingly, an order was issued to the inhabitants of the town of Tumbala, requiring two hundred Indians who should be provided with axes and bill-hooks: none however arrived until the 17th, and then only seventy-nine in number, furnished with twenty-eight axes, after which twenty more were obtained in the village, and with these supplies I again moved forward on the 18th to the stone houses. The operation of felling immediately commenced and was completed on the 2d instant, which was followed by a general conflagration, that soon enabled us to breathe a more pure and wholesome atmosphere, and to continue our operations with much greater facility. I was convinced that, in order to form some idea of the first inhabitants, and of the antiquities connected with their establishments, it would be indispensably necessary to make several excavations; and to this object I therefore directed my chief attention, as by so doing I was led to hope that l should find medals, inscriptions, or monuments that would throw some light upon my researches; and I therefore commenced this work without delay, notwithstanding the scarcity of proper implements, as the number was by this time reduced to seven iron crowbars and three pick-axes, a very small supply indeed for the accomplishment of so laborious an undertaking as these immense masses of stone ruins presented to the view in every direction. By dint of perseverance, I effected all that was necessary to be done, so that ultimately there remained neither a window nor a doorway blocked up, a partition that was not thrown down, nor a room, corridor, court, tower, nor subterranean passage in which excavations were not effected from two to three yards (varas) in depth; for such the object of my mission and the research to which it was directed required, and the result of these labours proved as follows: -- From Palenque, the last town northward in the province of Ciudad Real de Chiapa, taking a south-westerly direction, and ascending a ridge of high land that divides the kingdom of Guatemala from Yucatan, or Campeachy, at the distance of two leagues, is the little river Micol, whose waters flowing in a westerly direction unite with the great river Tulija, which bends its course towards the province of Tabasco; having passed Micol, the ascent begins, and at half a league from thence, the traveller crosses a little stream called Otolum, discharging its waters into the before-mentioned current: from this point, heaps of ruins are discovered, which render the road very difficult for another half league; when you gain the height whereon the stone houses arc situated, being fourteen in number, some more dilapidated than others, but still having many of their apartments perfectly discernible. A rectangular area, three hundred yards in breadth by four hundred and fifty in length, presents a plain at the base of the highest mountain forming the ridge, and in the centre is situated the largest of these structures which has been as yet discovered: it stands on a mound twenty yards high, and is surrounded by the other edifices, namely: five to the northward, four to the southward, one to the southwest, and three to the eastward. In all directions, the fragments of other fallen buildings are to be seen extending along the mountain, that stretches east and west about three or four leagues either way, so that the whole range may be computed to extend between seven and eight leagues, but its breadth is by no means equal to its length, being little more than half a league wide at the point, where the ruins terminate, which is towards the river Micol, that winds round the base of the mountain, whence descend small streams that wash the foundation of the ruins on their banks, so that, were it not for the thick umbrageous foliage of the trees, they would present to the view so many beautiful serpentine rivulets. It might be inferred that this people had had some analogy to, and intercourse with the Romans, from a similarity in the choice of situation, as well as from a subterranean stone aqueduct of great solidity and durability which passes under the largest building. I do not take upon myself to assert that these conquerors did actually land in this country; but there is reasonable ground for hazarding a conjecture that some inhabitants of that polished nation did visit these regions; and that, from such intercourse, the natives might have imbibed, during their stay, an idea of the arts, as a reward for their hospitality.
To the natural beauty of a charming locality may be added fertility of soil and a delightful climate, which without doubt produced in great abundance almost every production necessary for a comfortable and tranquil life: this is apparent from such wild fruits as the sapotes, acquacates, capotes, yuca or cassava, and plantains, being now found in great plenty, which plainly demonstrate what would be their profusion and delicacy if improved by cultivation. -- The rivers abound with fish, consisting of the moharra, bobo, and turtle, as do the smaller streams with crabs, and the lesser species of shell fish. These circumstances, and the laborious workmanship of their edifices, constructed without the assistance of iron or other metals, (for with these they seem to have been unacquainted,) amply justify the belief that they enjoyed in a peaceful manner of living more real and substantial felicity than all the concentrated luxury and refinement of the most polished cities at the present period can produce. Equal advantages were afforded them for commerce and intercourse with their neighbours, undiminished by the expensive inconvenience of undertaking long and fatiguing journies by land, for the rivers running to the east, north, and west, afforded them the benefits of traffic by means of navigation. The river Tulija opened a passage for trade into the province of Tabasco; the sea-coast of Catasaja and the river Chacamal falling into the great Usumasinta, presented a short and commodious route to the kingdom of Yucatan, with which, beyond all doubt, they carried on their principal commerce. This circumstance may be inferred from monuments and vestiges plainly demonstrating that these two nations differed in a very slight degree, either in customs, religion, or knowledge; the firmest bonds of fraternal alliance and friendship by which they could be united, whereto we may add the uniformity and resemblance in their buildings, which I think are proofs that tend still further to substantiate this position. The Rev. Father Thomas de Soza, a franciscan friar of the convent of Merida, many years collector of alms destined for the holy house of Jerusalem, who, in pursuing the duties imposed upon him from his situation, had repeatedly traversed the province, fortunately happening to be at Palenque, favoured me with a circumstantial account of that country, of which I shall now avail myself in his own words. At the distance of twenty leagues from the city of Merida southward, between the curacy called Mona y Ticul and the town of Nocaeab, are the remains of some stone edifices: one very large building has withstood the ravages of time, and still exists in good preservation: the natives give it the name of Oxmutal. It stands on an eminence of twenty yards in height, and measures two hundred yards on each facade. The apartments, the exterior corridor, the pillars with figures in medio relievo, and decorated with serpents, lizards, etc. formed in stucco, beside which are statues of men with palms in their bands, in the act of beating drums and dancing, resemble in every respect those observable in the buildings of Palenque. -- Eight leagues distant from the same city to the northward, are the ruined walls of several other houses, which increase in number as you advance in an easterly direction. In the vicinity of the river Lagartos, at a town called Mani, which is under the actual jurisdiction of the francisean friars, in the middle of the principal square stands a pillory of a conical shape, built of stones, and to the southward rises a very ancient palace, resembling that at Palenque, which, according to tradition, was inhabited, upon the arrival of the Spanish conquerors, by a petty Indian sovereign called Htulrio, who resigned it to the franciscans for a residence while their new convent was building, after which it was used for several years as a public hospital. The erection of this palace was long anterior to the time of Htulrio, who replied to the inquiries of the fathers relative to the period of its construction, that he was totally ignorant of its origin, and only knew that it had been inhabited by his ancestors. From hence we may draw some inference respecting the very remote antiquity of the Palencian edifices, buried for so many ages in the impenetrable thickets covering a mountain, and unknown to the historians of the new world, by whom no mention is made whatsoever of their existence. On the road from Merida to Bacalar there are also many other buildings both to the north and south, according to my informant's narrative; a description of which I conceive unnecessary, not only from being desirous of avoiding prolixity, but because the identity of the ancient inhabitants of Yucatan and Palenque is, in my opinion, evidently proved by the strong analogy of their customs, buildings, and acquaintance with the arts, whereof such vestiges are discernible in those monuments which the current of time has not yet swept away. In endeavoring to convey some idea of this country, I have deviated a little from the instructions contained in my commission, to which, perhaps, I ought to have strictly adhered, yet, as implicit obedience to those commands has only been infringed for the purpose of introducing a few remarks not wholly divested of originality, they may, from their connexion with the present subject, influence your acquaintance with venerable antiquity, and in some respects tend to fix a date to these interesting remains. Returning, therefore, to the original subject matter, it is requisite that a description of the situations should be followed by an examination of what it presents to our observation. The interior of the large building is in a style of architecture strongly resembling the gothic, and from its rude and massive construction, promises great durability. The entrance is on the eastern side, by a portico or corridor thirty-six varas or yards in length and three in breadth, supported by plain rectangular pillars, without either bases or pedestals, upon which there are square smooth stones of more than a foot in thickness forming an architrave, while on the exterior superficies are species of stucco shields, the designs of some of them accompanying this report, are numbered 1, 2, 3, while over these stones, there is another plain rectangular block, five feet long and six broad, extending over two of the pillars. Medallions or compartments in stucco containing different devices of the same material, appear as decorations to the chambers (see fig. 3 :) and it is presumable from the vestiges of the heads which can still be traced, that they were the busts of a series of kings or lords to whom the natives were subject. Between the medallions there is a range of windows like niches, passing from one end of the wall to the other; some of them are square, some in form of a Greek cross, and others, which complete the cross, are square, being about two feet high and eight inches deep, as represented in figs. 4, 5, and 6. Beyond this corridor, there is a square court entered by a flight of seven steps: the north side is entirely in ruins, but sufficient traces remain to show that it once had a chamber and corridor similar to those on the eastern side, and which continued entirely along the several angles. The south side has four small chambers with no other ornament than one or two little windows, like those already described. The western side is correspondent to its opposite in all respects, but in the variety of expression of the figures in stucco. The device is a sort of grotesque mask, with a crown and long beard like that of a goat; under this are two Greek crosses, the one delineated in the other, as appears in fig. 7.
It is by no means improbable that these fantastic forms, and others equally whimsical, were the delineations of some of their deities, to whom they paid an idolatrous worship, consistent with their false belief and barbarous customs. We know that the Romans portrayed Jupiter crowned with laurel, the visage presenting mature age, having a long beard and a terrible aspect; and a similar cast of countenance in these representations leads one to reflect on a sameness of manners and religion, as the particular traits in the two heads are alike, with the exception of those advantages conveyed to a bust by Roman sculpture, the principles of which this people could have attained but imperfectly, although they might have imbibed some ideas from their conquerors, or from other intermediate nations, the common result of conquest in all ages. Proceeding in the same direction, there is another court similar in length to the last, but not so broad, having a passage round it that communicated with the opposite side; in this passage there are two chambers like those above mentioned, and an interior gallery looking on one side upon the court-yard, and commanding on the other a view of the open country. In this part of the edifice some pillars yet remain on which are the relievos shown in figs. 8, 9 10, and 11: they apparently represent a mournful subject alluding, no doubt, to the sacrifice of some wretched Indian, the destined victim of a sanguinary religion. To convey a satisfactory idea of the stucco used in forming these, as well as the other medio relievos, and in order to afford a clear notion of the ability possessed by the ancient inhabitants in the art of sculpture, I have transported from this chamber the head of the sufferer, fig. 8 and the foot and leg of the executioner or sacrificer, fig. 11 which pieces are numbered 4 and 5, in order to distinguish them. Returning by the south side, the tower, delineated in fig. 12 presents itself to notice: it height is sixteen yards and to the four existing stories of the building was perhaps added a fifth with a cupola, which, in all probability, it once possessed: although these piles diminish in size and are without ornament, as by the drawing will appear, yet the design of them is singular and very ingenious. This tower has a well imitated artificial entrance, as was clearly proved by making an horizontal excavation of more than three yards, which I wished to carry quite through the edifice, but was forced to desist from the operation, as the stones and earth slipped down in large quantities from the pressure of the solid body A B C, that passes through the centre. This, upon inspection, proved to be an interior tower, quite plain, with windows fronting the former, and gives light to the steps, by which you are enabled to ascend to its summit, from whence it appears obvious that the entrance must have been on the north side, though I did not identify the fact, being unwilling to lose time in removing the accumulated heaps of rubbish, sand, and small stones by which it is concealed. Behind the four chambers already mentioned, there are two others of larger dimensions, very well ornamented in the rude Indian style and which appear to have been used as oratories. Among the embellishments are some enamelled stuccos, (see figs. 13 and 14 ;) the Grecian heads represent sacred objects to which they addressed their devotions and made their offerings, probably consisting of strings of jewels, as the attitudes of the statues placed on the sides denote. Beyond these oratories, and extending from north to south, there are two apartments each twenty-seven yards long by little more than three broad; they contain nothing worthy of notice, excepting a stone of an elliptical form, embedded in the wall, about a yard above the pavement, the height of which is one yard and a quarter, and the breadth one yard. (a.) -- Fig. 15 exhibits what seems to have been one of their gods sitting sideways on an animal as delineated in the sketch: to judge from the way in which the ancients used to indicate the same subject, this may be supposed to represent a river god. Father Jacito Garrido, a dominican friar, a native of Hueste in Spain, who visited this provinee in 1638, where he taught theology, and was well versed in the Hebrew, Greek md Latin languages, together with three of the native dialects, as well as arithmetic, cosmography and music, has left a Latin manuseript, in which he states it as his opinion, that the northern parts of America had been discovered by the Greeks, English, and other nations; a supposition he deduces from the variety of their idioms, as well as some monuments existing in the village of Ocojingo, situated twenty-four leagues from Palenque; but as his narrative affords no circumstance worthy of attention respecting these ruins, I have in consequence refrained from inserting any extracts. If, instead of his mere conjectures, this reverend writer had endeavored to define the period when these alleged strangers arrived, the duration of their stay, and their final departure from the southern regions, we might perhaps, from knowing their customs and religion, have been put into possession of some clue whereby a solution of this problem might have been effected. (b.) -- But to resume my narrative: below the elliptical stone above described, there is a plain rectangular block more than two yards long by one yard and seven inches thick, placed upon four feet in form of a table, with a figure in bas-relief in the attitude of supporting it. Fig. 16 represents one of these feet, and no. 6 is the original? which I despatch, in order that the bas-relief may be the more easily understood, as well as to give a specimen of the progress of the natives in this branch of sculpture, so very prevalent on all the stones, although displaying no variety of subject or difference either in the quality or style of the execution. Should government at any time judge it expedient to have any of these specimens deposited in the royal cabinet, the removal may be effected without more expense than that of transporting them from Cadiz to Madrid, because the Indians will undertake the charge of embarking them on board the king's lighter, in the roads of Catajasa, only six leagues distant from Palenque, in which they may be conveyed by the lake Jerminos or by the district of Carmen to Vera Cruz or Campeachy, and thence transported on board the first of his Majesty's ships, sailing from either of these ports for Europe. The well known protection which our beneficent and beloved Monarch displays respecting every thing that relates to arts and ancient history, warrants a belief that this removal would be effected, were any gentleman animated enough to represent to his Majesty, through the medium of his zealous and enlightened minister of the Indies, how greatly the glory of the Spanish arms would be exalted, and what credit would accrue to the national refinement, so superior to the notions of the Indians, in becoming possessed of these truly interesting and valuable remnants of the remotest antiquity. Fig. 17 exhibits characters or symbols that adorn the edges of the table; they must have had a determinate signification in the language of the original natives, as they are frequently found on stones and stuccos, though their use, value and meaning are altogether unknown. At the extremity of the last mentioned apartment, and on a level with the pavement, there is an aperture like a hatchway, two yards long and more than one broad, leading to a subterranean passage by a flight of steps, which at a regular distance forms flats or landings, each having its respective door-way, ornamented in the front after the manner described in fig. 18.
Fig. 19 represents another entrance into the subterranean avenue by a different way from the first, and to these may be added a third into the same passage, but which is now actually buried beneath heaps of rubbish. In another of the many openings leading to this under ground passage, my regard was attracted by the stone, No. 7, which I broke off from the left hand side of the first step, this I have brought away in order that the various devices of its bas-relief may be more accurately investigated: it is however, as well as the preceding No. 6, reduced one half in size to facilitate the transport, and a copy of this is also given in fig. 20. On reaching the second door, artificial light was necessary to continue the descent into this gloomy abode, which was by a very gentle declivity. It has a turning at right angles, and at the end of the side passage there is another door communicating with a chamber sixty-four yards long, and almost as large as those already described; beyond this room there is still another, similar in every respect, and having light admitted into it by some windows commanding a corridor fronting the south, and leading to the exterior of the edifice. Neither bas-reliefs nor any other embellishments were found in these places, nor did they present to notice any object, excepting some plain stones two yards and a half long, by one yard and a quarter broad, arranged horizontally upon four square stands of masonry, rising about half a yard above the ground. -- These I consider to have been receptacles for sleeping, and this a place for retirement during the night, a belief in which I am still more confirmed from the circumstance of the large stones being partitioned off in the form of alcoves. Here all the doors and separations terminated, and as nothing but stones and earth were discovered by digging, I determined on proceeding to one of the buildings, situated on an eminence to the south of about forty yards in height. This edifice forming a parallelogram, resembled the first in its style of architecture; it has square pillars, an exterior gallery, and a saloon twenty yards long by three and a half broad, embellished with a frontispiece on which are described female figures with children in their arms, all of the natural size, executed in stucco medio-reliefs: these representations are without heads, as pourtrayed in figs. 21 and 22. Some whimsical designs, serving as ornaments to the corners of the house, I brought away, they are numbered 8, 9, and 10. but all knowledge respecting them is concealed from us, owing to no traditionary information or written documents being preserved explanatory of their real meaning, and the manner in which the inhabitants used such devices for the conveyance of their thoughts. In the inner wall of the gallery, and on each side of the door leading into the saloon, there are three stones measuring three yards in height, and being upwards of one broad, all of them covered with the hieroglyphics in bas-relief recently mentioned, the whole of this gallery and saloon being paved. Leaving this structure, and passing by the ruins of many others, or perhaps what is more probable, of many buildings accessory to this principal edifice, the declivity conducts to a little valley, or open space, whereby the approach to another house in this direction (southerly) is rendered practicable; you arrive at the entrance by an ascent where it is found to have a gallery and a saloon similar to that last described, and at the door of this saloon a stucco ornament, (fig. 23,) displays by its allegory the superstition of the founders. Eastward of this structure are three small eminences forming a triangle, upon each of which is a square building eighteen yards long by eleven broad, of the same architecture as the former, but having along thin roofings several superstructures about three yards high, resembling turrets, covered with different ornaments and devices in stucco. In the interior of the first of these three mansions, at the end of a gallery almost entirely dilapidated, is a saloon having a small chamber at each extremity, while in the centre of the saloon stands an oratory rather more than three yards square, presenting on each side of the entrance a perpendicular stone, whereon is pourtrayed the image of a man in bas-relief, as in figs. 24 and 25. -- Upon entering, I found the entire front of the oratory occupied by three stones joined together, upon which the objects described in fig. 26 are allegorically represented. -- The outward decoration is confined to a sort of moulding finished with small stucco bricks, on which are bas-reliefs, Nos. 11 and 12 being specimens of the devices; the pavement of the oratory is quite smooth, and eight inches thick, which it was necessary to perforate in order to make an excavation. Having proceeded in this labour at about half a yard deep, I found a small round earthen vessel, about a foot in diameter, fitted horizontally with a mixture of lime to another of the same quality and dimensions: these were removed, and the digging being continued, a quarter of a yard beneath we discovered a circular stone, of rather larger diameter than the first articles, and on removing this from its position, a cylindrical cavity presented itself, about a foot wide and the third of a foot deep containing a flint lance, two small conical pyramids, with the figure of a heart in dark crystallized stone, (which is very common in this kingdom, and known by the name of challa;) there were also two small earthen jars or ewers, with covers containing small stones and a ball of vermilion, which, as well as the other articles, I transmit to you, being numbered 13, 14, 15, and 16. The situation of the subterranean depository coincides with the centre of the oratory, and in each of the inner angles, near the entrance, is a cavity like the one before described, where the little jars numbered 17 and 18 were also buried. It is unnecessary to dilate more on the subjects represented by the bas-reliefs on the three stones, or on the situation of the articles found in this place; they convey to the mind an idea that it was in this spot they venerated, as sacred objects, the remains of their greatest heroes, to whom they erected trophies, recording the particular distinctions they had merited from their country, by their services or the victories obtained over its enemies, while the inscriptions on the tablets were intended to eternise their names; for to this object the characters, as well as the bas-reliefs around them, evidently refer. The other two edifices are of similar arehitecture, and divided internally in the same manner as the one above dessribed, varying only in the allegorical subjects of the bas-reliefs on the stones. On gaining the second oratory, its entrance presented the two delineations of men copied in figures 27 and 28, while the front exhibited the three stones displayed in fig. 29. Having proceeded to excavate in this spot, I discovered the flint lance, two conical pyramids, the representation of a heart, and two earthen jars, being the objects numbered 19, 20, 21, and 22. Fig. 30 and the last of this collection, shows the interior front of the third oratory, formed like the others, of three stones of similar size; and, if due attention be given to the bas-reliefs thereon represented, the conclusion drawn from thence must be, that the ancient inhabitants of these structures lived in extreme darkness, for, in their fabulous superstitions, we seem to view the idolatry of the Phoenicians, the Greeks, the Romans, and other primitive nations most strongly pourtrayed. On this account it may reasonably be conjectured, that some one of these nations pursued their conquests even to this country, where it is probable they only remained long enough to enable the Indian tribes to imitate their ideas, and adopt, in a rude and awkward manner, such arts as their invaders thought fit to inculcate. I omit any description of the buildings situated to the northward, as they are now nearly destroyed, and afford neither reliefs nor other ornaments, and only vary in their style, similar to those described in the south; it therefore merely remains for me to take notice of the few articles discovered from digging in various parts of this ground, as well as at the edifice in the southwest direction. In architecture this structure does not differ from the others; its divisions consist of a corridor and a saloon, without decorations or bas-reliefs. In digging, an earthen vessel was found, but broken in pieces, which contained some small pieces of challa in the shape of lancets, or thin blades of razors, which were probably used by these uncivilized people for the same purpose as the latter articles are now applied to by Europeans; these instruments and small fragments of the vessel in which they were deposited, I submit for your inspection and examination, being numbered 23 and 24. No. 25 is an earthen pot, containing a number of small bones, grinders, molares, and teeth taken from the same excavation. No. 25 and those that follow denote the quality of the lime, mortar, and burnt bricks employed by the inhabitants; it may be inferred that they used the latter very sparingly as only those which I brought away for mature examination were to be found among the ruins -- they will tend to give full satisfaction, and illustrate the points contained in the last royal mandate, which occasioned a second examination of this ruined city; during which, no circumstance worthy of notice has been omitted, neither have I spared any exertion that could give effect, either to the research or the narrative which I now terminate. I confess, Sir, that the well known zeal of your Excellency for his Majesty's service, your activity and punctuality in carrying into effect his royal commands, your profound knowledge and good taste in the subjects which this commission embraces, and which your Excellency has had the goodness to entrust to my care, have been the most powerful incentives to give energy to my application, my industry, and my perseverance in fulfilling these various operations, which I have pursued without regard either to labour or fatigue. My endeavour has uniformly been scrupulously and diligently to obey the orders confided in me, as a recompense for which my sole desire is to merit your approbation, in having conformed to the instructions of the King, and the ideas of his enlightened minister. ANTONIO DEL RIO. Palenque, June 24,1787. |
"Ruins of the Ancient City"
Vol. I. No. 39 (Jan. 11, 1834)
ANTIQUITIES. Subjoined is an article read before the New-York Lyceum of Natural History, Sept. 23, 1833, by Samuel Ackerly, M. D. A corresponding member of this society, resident in Tabasco, one of the states in the confederacy of Mexico, has been many years engaged in the investigation of a subject of deep interest to the learned world. Though not connected with the immediate objects of the Lyceum of Natural History, yet the writer of this communication is induced to offer it to the society, as it will make known to the members the labors of one of their foreign associates. The subject to which the attention of the society is now invited belongs to the Antiquities of America, in the central parts of which have been discovered the ruins of an immense city, overgrown by a dense forest of huge trees; on the clearing away of which, large edifices have been brought to light. together with temples and palaces built of hewn stone. Though in a state of great dilapidation, the rubbish has been cleared away from some of them, and their interior explored, exhibiting to the view of the astonished beholder evidences of a nation once existing there, highly skilled in the mechanic arts, and in a state of civilization far beyond any thing that we have been led to believe of the aborigines previous to the discovery of Columbus. The writer's attention has been drawn to this subject by a correspondence with Dr. Francisco Corroy, of Tabasco, who has been many years laboriously investigating these ruins, collecting information, making delineations of the penates, idols, and priapi found in that region, and the remarkable figures in relief upon the interior wall of these dilapidated temples and palaces. The outline of one of these palaces has been traced by Dr. Corroy, and be states it to be more extensive than the Tuileries of Paris. The information collected by him from personal observation and otherwise has been embodied in a series of letters addressed and dedicated to the writer hereof, and ample enough to make two volumes, which are intended for publication at some future time as he is still engaged in the same interesting researches. To most persons in this country an inquiry into this subject may be considered more curious than useful. And so it may be in relation to our immediate and pressing wants. But may not important results arise from the investigation of such a subject? Who can read or hear without astonishment the fact, that in the province of Chaipa in Central America, has been found a city in ruins, formerly constructed of stone, situated on an elevated plain, covered with an umbrageous forest, the growth of hundreds of years, beneath which are still found the mouldering fragments enveloped in the rubbish of their own destruction? This city has been ascertained to extend along the plain in one direction from seven to eight Spanish leagues, which are equal to about thirty English miles. The antiquities of a people inhabiting a city sixty or more miles in circumference, centuries since in a flourishing condition, on the continent of America, cannot fail, when better known and further investigated, to attract the attention of every reflecting mind. The name of this city, so ancient and of such astonishing magnitude, is unknown, though distinguished by writers, and the modern residents of the country, as the RUINS OF PALENQUE, which name is derived from a neighbouring Spanish settlement. Dr. P. F. Cabrera, of New Guatemala, the commentator on Captain Del Rio's account of these ruins, has endeavoured to prove that the ancient and true name of the city was Huchuettapallan. Professor Rafinesque, of Philadelphia, who has also made these ruins a subject of investigation, connected with his History of American nations, denominates the ruined city OTOLUM, a name still applied to a stream in the immediate neighbourhood. The reasons for adopting these names will be given in the course of this communication from the authors themselves. The ruins of this ancient city are beginning to attract the attention of the scavans of Europe, and the Geographical Society of Paris has offered a premium of four thousand francs, or eight hundred dollars, for the best account of them. The work of Dr. Corroy will probably merit the reward when made known and forwarded to the society. But he is not yet informed that such a reward has been offered, nor is it known to the society that he has written on the subject. In making this communication the writer has no other design than to call the attention of the American public to this interesting inquiry, by stating the substance of his correspondence with Dr. Corroy on these immense ruins, and information collected from other sources relating to the same subject. The friend and correspondent of the writer is a French physician. Long a resident and practitioner of medicine of Villahermosa, or Tabasco, on a river of that name about seventy-five miles from its embouchure in the Gulf of Mexico. Tabasco is also the name of one of the states in the confederacy of Mexico, lying south of Vera Cruz, and east of Guatemala. Dr. Corroy has been many years enthusiastically devoted to the investigation of the ruins of this ancient city, which is forty leagues in a south-westerly direction from Tabasco from whence he has made several excursions to explore them. A gentleman from New York, who has been at Tabasco and is acquainted with Dr. Corroy, states in a letter to the writer that "the doctor is a worthy man and hospitality is his motto." Dr. Corroy's correspondence was first commenced with our late learned and distinguished countryman and member of this society, Dr. Samuel L. Mitchill, whose papers, books, and manuscripts were bequeathed to the writer. Among them are numerous letters on the antiquities of North America, but none of them detail facts so surprising as those relating to the ruins near Palenque in Central America. The first letter to Dr. Mitchill, dated at Tabasco, 29th December, 1830, gives the information that Dr. Corroy was constantly engaged in making researches and collecting materials from these interesting ruins, preserving and delineating those worthy of such care; among which were numerous idols, and one of an unknown substance, upon which he set a high value. Dr. Corroy also states in this letter, that he had sent Dr. Mitchill, by the brig Eliza, of New York, a fragment of a sculptured head from the ruins, in size two French feet by one and a half. Dr. Mitchill was requested to satisfy his own curiosity with this piece of antiquity, and then forward it to Mr. Jomard, member of the Geographical Society of Paris. The brig Eliza having been lost by shipwreck, together with her cargo, the sculptured head was never received. The second letter to Dr. Mitchill, was dated at Tabasco, 15th May 1831. This letter was accompanied by a small box, containing several idols of baked earth, the head of a snake, and a hollow cup or vase of the same materials, found in the neighborhood of Tabasco. These however are similar to those discovered among the ruins. The idols were four or five inches in height with two holes in the lower posterior part, forming a whistle, each one of a different sound or key. These remains of Indian antiquity were also requested to be forwarded to Mr. Jomard. They did not arrive in New York until after the death of Dr. Mitchill, which caused a delay of their transmission to Paris, and which was subsequently effected by the writer hereof The third letter of Dr. Corroy is dated at Tabasco, 30th November, 1832, and is directed to Dr. Akerly, the writer, in consequence of his announcing the death of Dr. Mitchill, and proposing to continue the correspondence. In this letter Dr. Corroy says: "I was at Palenque, on my third visit exploring these admirable ruins, when, on the 21st July, 1832, I received your letter of March last, on which account I have been unable to answer it until the present time. It is impossible to give you in one letter the details of things so surprising discovered in this ruined city. At present I can only inform you, that since September, 1819, to the end of October, 1832, I have been constantly engaged in collecting materials, and preparing a work for publication. The materials are copious, and will form two volumes, and I propose to put them in the form of letters written and dedicated to you, for which I ask your permission, and request your affirmative reply. I have a description of these ruins, which neither Don Antonio Del Rio, nor any other person has been able to give. The expenses of my voyages and explorations have cost me more than four thousand five hundred dollars. I possess, my dear doctor, many idols, some of them formed of baked earth, others of stone, and one of a material supposed to be a petrifaction of jasper, or of a species of marble, and also one of gold, but unfortunately for me, its value is only about four dollars." "I have a plan of Tabasco, with three routes which conduct to the ruins. I have also a plan of the grand and principal palace of the ruins, which place is more extensive than the Tuileries of Paris. I am also in possession of numerous designs. Inform me, my dear sir, if my work and collections can be advantageously published and disposed of in New York. Vol. I. No. 40 (Jan. 18, 1834)
ANTIQUITIES. "This country, or the state of Tabasco, has few minerals, but is extremely rich in animals and vegetable productions, and I can enrich the Museum of the Lyceum of Natural-History of your city with such as may be interesting to you. Have the goodness to send me a barrel of fine plaster of Paris for making moulds and casts of idols and other interesting things from the ruins." A fourth letter dated 8th January, 1833, is a duplicate of the preceding, adding that although born a Parisian, he has been so long a resident in Spanish America, and accustomed to speak and write in the Spanish language, that it is easier for him to do so in that, than in his native tongue. He is also anxious to know if Mr. Jomard has received the box of idols, and why he has not heard from him. This is already explained by the fact of Dr. Mitchill's death, and subsequent events delaying the transmission of them to Paris. A letter from Dr. Corroy, dated at Tabasco, January 24th, 1833, advises the writer of his continuing to pursue the pleasing subject of the investigation of the ruins. He also enclosed a communication in the Spanish language, on the subject of a native plant of Tabasco, known there by the name of the bejuco (lianne) guaco, which is an antidote to the bite of venomous serpents. This essay on the guaco the writer has caused to be translated, and will make it the subject of a separate communication. The plant or vine is the eupatorium . guaco, which appears to be unknown to Dr. Corroy, who does not profess to be a botanist. The genus to which it belongs is in favor of its possessing remedial virtues, for there are three species of eupatorium in these United States of North America, all possessing medicinal qualities, viz: eupatorium perfoliaatum, Thoroughwort; eupatiteucrifolium, Wild Horehound; and eupat. purpureum, Gravelroot. To these letters of inquiry as to the publication of his work in New-York, and the dedication of it to the writer, he was informed that upon consultation with the Messrs. Harpers and other publishers here, it was his and their opinion, that although it would, and must necessarily be a very interesting work, it must be illustrated with numerous plates, the engraving of which would be expensive, and the sale so limited as not to compensate him for his expenditures. Paris or London was therefore advised as the most likely place to succeed. This admission was made with regret, but justice required that this advice should be given to prevent a friend from running into a ruinous expense, without benefit to himself, or the scientific world. As to the dedication, he was advised to make it to some one that was known among the scavans, and whose name would direct the attention of the public to this great work. The next letter from Dr. Corroy, dated Tabasco, May 5th, 1833, and directed to the writer, announces as follows: "I had the honor, two days since, to receive your very agreeable letter, dated at New York, 15th May last, remitted to me by Mr. Eastman. I feel very sensibly his attention to my wishes in conveying my letter to you and in taking charge of the articles you sent with your reply, and I am much indebted to your goodness. "Having received with yours a letter from Dr. De Kay, the Secretary of the Lyceum of Natural History of your city, announcing my election as a corresponding member of said society, I shall do myself the pleasure of answering it in a few days, and also, my dear doctor, in writing to you more in detail. I have also received the mould and the cast of the idol you sent me, which is an excellent imitation, for which and other attentions, l tender you my sincere thanks. "Mr. Eastman informs me of having left at the barrier of this state, not only a barrel of fine plaster of Paris which you sent, as announced in your letter, but three others, which I hope will enable me to present you the mould of a cross from the ruins, which the Geographical Society of Paris and several learned men of Europe have repeatedly solicited. "My dear doctor, I admire your modesty in not being willing to permit me to dedicate my work upon "The Ruins" to you. Put I have disobeyed your orders; my dedication is made and directed to Mr. Samuel Akerly, and I know of no remedy but submission. "As to Mr. Waldeck's being in Mexico, as announced in one of your newspapers, as you inform me, it is not so. He occupies a small house erected upon the ruins, where he has resided fourteen years, making drawings and excavations as far as his limited means will allow. I have received several letters from him, in one of which he says; 'If you fear the Asiatic Cholera Morbus, come and live at my cottage, where the healthful climate and uniform temperature will free us from this malady.' Have the goodness to present my respects to the Honorable the Secretary and Members of the Lyceum of Natural History." A paragraph in one of the papers of New-York, announcing the substance of one of the letters from Dr. Corroy, elicited one from Mr. George Champley, dated at New-York, 20th April 1833, directed to the writer, in which he says: "A few days ago, perusing a city paper, I saw a communication to your address, (which I know to be from a friend of mine in Tabasco,) respecting the 'Ruins of Palenque.' After mentioning the 'Idol of massive gold,' and other things connected with this (not) 'singular place,' (as there are other immense piles of ruins, which I am inclined to think my worthy friend Dr. Corroy has no knowledge of,) he states his having vases, &c. made from an unknown substance.' The whole of these articles I saw in Tabasco, in 1831-2, at the doctor's Sitio, when on my journey to the interior and the Pacific across the Andes. "On my journey along the valleys of these mountains I picked up several pieces of what the doctor calls an unknown substance, a specimen of which I enclose You will at once perceive what it is. On my return, in May last. from San Christobal, I had not an opportunity of seeing the doctor, or I should have made known to him the existence of other ruins, as he is somewhat of an enthusiast in examining the ]records of time,' which are scattered about that interesting country where the foot of Humboldt never trod. The doctor is a worthy man, and hospitality is his motto. I have several Mexican seeds which are new here, and some specimens of their gigantic maize which I shall be pleased to distribute to any one on application for the purpose of planting." The unknown substance, mentioned in the foregoing letter, a specimen of which was sent by Mr. Champley to the writer, proved upon examination to be calcareous spar. The last letter received from Dr. Corroy, dated at Tabasco, 1st June, 1833, contains the following information. "The bearer of this is an intimate friend of mine, Mr. J. N. Pieper, merchant of this place, whom I take the liberty of particularly recommending to your attention, &c. "The three barrels of white powder which I received with your letter is not the right kind of plaster for making moulds or casts, but the half barrel which you sent is really fine plaster, and very good for the purpose desired. I forwarded it to Mr. Waldeck, who lives at the ruins, forty leagues from Tabasco, and we should have commenced moulding, and making casts and fac-similes of the characters and bas-reliefs on the walls of the ruins to supply the museums of all nations, and individuals who desire to have them, as well as other curious and interesting things from this ruined city, supposed to have flourished nearly one thousand three hundred years ago, but the quantity was too small, and we must suspend our operations until you can send us an additional supply. I must observe to you that it should be put up in small barrels, to render it easily transportable, because in this country, every weight is supported by the head and upon the back, particularly in travelling to the ruins where there are no established roads. "I received with your very agreeable letters, of the 15th and 26th March last the letter of Dr. De Kay, Corresponding Secretary of the Lyceum of Natural History, announcing my having been unanimously elected a Corresponding Member. Herewith I forward to you my letter of acknowledgment and thanks to the Lyceum, for the honor conferred upon me. "I also take the opportunity, by Mr. Pieper, of enclosing to you the dedication of my work on the ruins, and beg you to have it translated into French and English and have it published in the papers of your city, sending me a copy. "The last letter I received from Mr. Waldeck was written at the ruins, and dated 24th of May, 1833. He states that he has been informed, that in the United States there has been published in his name a work and drawings on the ruins, and he has requested me to contradict the authenticity of such a work, and l beg you, my dear sir, to do it for me and in my name, being well persuaded, that if such a work has really been published it is an imposition. Vol. I. No. 41 (Jan. 25, 1834)
ANTIQUITIES. "In my third voyage and journey to the ruins, I made all the haste possible, in order, and among other things, to procure a fragment (which I send you) of one of the most ancient books, which was almost devoured by the mites. The manuscript, however, proves that it was written posterior to the conquest of this country by the Spaniards, as it is in the Spanish written character, but in the Tzendal language, as you will see from the memorandum on the back of the manuscript. I hope it will be acceptable to you, as it is the largest portion of the book that can be obtained. Again I recommend to you my friend, Mr. Pieper, profiting by the safety of the opportunity by him of enclosing some drawings, which are three giants, two idols, and two priapi, the originals of which are in my possession, with many others, which trifling present you will receive in remembrance of the goodness you have manifested toward me," &c. &c. The preceding contains abstracts of the most interesting parts of Dr. Corroy's letters, written in French, from which we may infer he has made considerable discoveries and developments of these ancient ruins, in addition to those of Del Rio already published. Mr. Champley's letters state that there are other "immense piles of ruins" in that interesting country not known to Dr. Corroy. Some of these, however, are doubtless referred to by Del Rio as existing in Yucatan and other places not visited by him, and such as the Spaniards now designate as "casas piedras" or stone houses. At twenty leagues south of the city of Merida, in Yucatan, are a number of these stone edifices. Of them "one very large building has withstood the ravages of time, and still exists in good preservation; the natives gave it the name of Oxmutal. It stands on an eminence of twenty yards in height, and measures two hundred yards on each facade. The apartments, the exterior corridor, the pillars with figures in me dio relievo, and decorated with serpents, lizards, &c., formed in stucco, beside which are statues of men with palms in their hands in the act of beating drums and dancing, resembling in every respect those observable in the buildings of Palenque.' .(Del Rio, page 7.) These and other similar ruins in Yucatan lie to the eastward of Palenque, and the other "immense piles of ruins," referred to by Mr. Champley, lie to the westward, as observed by him on his journey across the country to the Pacific ocean. These astonishing facts indicate the existence and extermination of a people who constructed and inhabited these stone buildings long before the discovery of Columbus, as the Spaniards at the time of the conquest of that part of the continent, found such of these stone edifices as were not in ruins inhabited by people who were not their builders, and to whom the nation that had erected and ornamented them, and the period of their construction, were unknown. The immense extent of these ruins and the casas piedras, (stone houses) scattered over the country in different directions, would lead to the belief, that at a remote period the country was inhabited by a populous nation, highly skilled in the arts which now afford us the only records whereby to ascertain their existence. The first account of these Ruins was published in London, in 1822, being an English translation of the report of Del Rio, together with the commentaries of Cabrera. Since that time the attention of the learned men of Europe has been directed to their further investigation, but Dr. Corroy, residing in the neighborhood of the Ruins, has probably made the greatest progress in these researches. "Antonio Del Rio, Captain of Artillery, was sent, in consequence of an order from his Majesty Charles the Third, dated March 15th, 1786, by his Excellency Don Joseph Estacheria, Captain General of Guatemala, to examine the ruins of a city of very great extent and antiquity, the name of which was unknown, that was discovered in the vicinity of Palenque, district of Carmen, in the province of Chiapa, where he found magnificent edifices, temples, towers, aqueducts, statues, hieroglyphics, and unknown characters, that have withstood the ravages of time and the succession of ages, and of which he made many plans and drawings." (Cabrera's Comment on Del Rio, p 36.) "In consequence of this order, Captain Del Rio was sent with a large party of men armed with axes, billhooks and other implements, to remove the trees and shrubs with which the ruins were overgrown, and having cleared the ground and removed the rubbish, he penetrated the interior of these temples, towers, palaces, &c. and was the first to bring to light the aqueducts, statues, hieroglyphics, and the unknown characters and bas-reliefs upon the walls. Vol. I. No. 42 (Feb. 1, 1834)
ANTIQUITIES. Cabrera endeavours to trace the origin of the people who were the constructors and inhabitants of these casas piedras, or stone houses, now in ruins; and even to fix the date of their arrival from Africa. He states his belief that they had their origin from the Carthagenians, (Del Rio, p. 95,) that the Carthagenians visited America before the Christian era, and "that the first colony sent to America by them was previous to the first Punic war," (p. 85,) between the Romans and Carthagenians, which commenced "in the four hundred and ninetieth year of Rome, and the two hundred and sixty-fifth year before Christ," (p. 84.) and that they established the kingdom of Amaguemecan, or Anahuac, at some period during the. first Punic war (p. 76.) This kingdom, however, was not of long continuance, and its ruin gave rise to that of Tula, or the Tultecas. "The origin of the Tulteca nation, hitherto unknown, (says Cabrera, p. 75,) has now been proved; they were Chichimecas or Naquatlacas, like the others, but so much exceeding them in stature, that there were some of gigantic size among them; they obtained the name of Tultecas from excelling in manufacures and arts, particularly that of working in gold and silver:" Torquemada says the word Tultecas means "excellent artist." The name of their capital, now in ruins, near Palenque, is said by the same authority to have been Huehuetlapallan. This "is a compound name of two words, Huehue, old, and Tlapallan; and it seems the Tultecas prefixed the adjective to distinguish it from three other places which they founded in the districts of their new kingdom, to perpetuate their attachment to their ancient country, and their grief at being expelled from the same; whence it arose that the place which formerly had the simple name of Tlapallan, was afterward denominated Huehuetlapallan; at least so says Torquemada. Such, without doubt, was the name which anciently distinguished the Palencian City." (Cabrera, p. 94.) Professor Rafinesque of Philadelphia, however, states that the true name of this ancient city was OTOLUM. In a late interview with him, the writer submitted the foregoing correspondence, and the Professor has given his views on the subject in a letter to Dr. Corroy, of which he has permitted an extract. viz: "I have been some time engaged in preparing a work on the general history of the people of the two Americas, and I have been necessarily attracted by the antiquities of Central America. My work is based upon Philology as a means of tracing the origin of nations. A branch of the work, on the origin of the primitive Asiatic and American Negroes, (for there were negroes in America before the discovery of Columbus,) has procured me a golden medal from the Geographical Society of Paris. I have traced the origin of black people to the centre of Asia, whence all others have diverged like rays. "In the Atlantic Journal, which I have published in Philadelphia for two years past, I have addressed several letters to Mr. Champollion upon the antiquities of Palenque, or rather of O-tol-um, the true name of the site of the great ruins, preserved by Del Rio in the name of the stream which washes its borders, and which signifies the waters of Tol, as the great city in ruins was anciently the capital of the Tol-tecas, (or people of Tol,) and they were the descendants of the A-talans, named by the Greeks Atlantes." "Here is a conjecture which merits every attention. I apprize you of another still more important. "I have been in search, and have at length found the key to the inscriptions of Palenque or Otolum. I have given to Dr. Akerly to be forwarded to you my table containing this key, printed in 1832, and entitled a Tabular view of the compared Atlantic Alphabets and Glyphs of Africa and America. I have there analyzed the Glyphs of Palenque, and discovered that each glyph is a word composed of ornamented letters, after the manner of our anagrams, and according to the practice of the ancient Chinese. I have collected many of these letters forming glyphs, (for they take many forms as in Egypt,) and compared them with the two ancient known alphabets of Africa, the Lybian, and the Tuaric, the parents of the ancient African Atlantes. Here is my great discovery, and it is for you and other explorers of the ruins to verify and confirm it." The table of professor Rafinesque, and the drawings forwarded by Dr. Corroy, are herewith submitted. It is, perhaps, too early to enter into conjectures on the origin of the people who constructed these casas piedras, or stone houses, and who were expelled or exterminated by more savage tribes. More extensive explorations of the ruins are required, and further information, before we can draw correct conclusions. Something may be expected from Dr. Corroy, but it is very much to be regretted that so little attention is paid to scientific researches like his, that his work cannot be published in New-York with advantage to the author. Cabrera's remarks on Del Rio are very plausible, profound, and learned, but not conclusive as to the Carthagenian origin of the people of Palenque. Professor Rafinesque, by a new method of inquiry, has arrived at results which promise great aid in developing the obscurities which hang over these interesting ruins. His researches are creditable to his zeal and industry, and are evidences of a profound spirit of investigation. In the mean time we must wait for further developments by Corroy, Waldeck, Rafinesque, and others. We finish, to-day, the interesting paper of Dr. Akerly on these ruins. Our readers are now familiar with the whole subject, from Del Rio's discoveries, some forty or fifty years ago, to the recent discoveries of Dr. Corroy and others. They will therefore be prepared to receive understandingly, and in a regular train, any additional information on the subject which may from time to time be communicated by those who may make further discoveries. Meantime, we shall insert some of the speculations of Cabrera, to whom allusion has so often been made in these documents. Those speculations are curious and ingenious: time will show whether they are correct. At all events they are interesting, and worthy of perusal. Waldeck, Rafinesque The work on these ruins now in a state of preparation for the press, by Dr. Corroy, who has so long been engaged in exploring these wondrous relics of American antiquity, cannot fail to possess incalculable interest. The Ruins of an |
Family Magazine Reprint #2
Vol. I. No. 43 (Feb. 8, 1834)
ANTIQUITIES. He first notices a work written by the bishop of Chiapa, Don Francisco Nunez de la Vega, in which the latter speaks of an historical work that had fallen into his hands, written by Votan, some particulars in relation to whom we have already given. After some comments on this work, he proceeds to the notice of another, as follows. To the important information of Nunez de la Vega, I will add the no less valuable notices communicated to me by Don Ramon Ordonez y Aguiar. The memoir in his possession consists of five or six folios of common quarto paper, written in ordinary characters in the Tzendal language, an evident proof of its having been copied from the original in hieroglyphics, shortly after the conquest. At the top of the first leaf, the two continents are painted in different colours, in two small squares, placed parallel to each other in the angles: the one representing Europe, Asia, and Africa, is marked with two large SS; upon the upper arms of two bars drawn from the opposite angles of each square, forming the point of union in the centre; that which indicates America has two SS placed horizontally on the bars, but I am not certain whether upon the upper or lower bars, but I believe upon the latter. When speaking of the places he had visited on the old continent, he marks them on the margin of each chapter, with an upright S, and those of America with a horizontal S. Between these squares stand the title of his history. "Proof that I am Culebra" (a snake,) which title he proves in the body of his work, by saying that he is Culebra, because he is Chivim. He states that he conducted seven families from Valum Votan to this continent, and assigned lands to them; that he is the third of the Votans; that, having determined to travel until he arrived at the root of heaven, in order to discover his relations, the Culebras, and make himself known to them, he made four voyages to Chivim (which is expressed by repeating four times from Valum Votan to Valum Chivim, from Valum Chivim to Valum Votan;) that he arrived in Spain, and that he went to Rome; that he saw the great house of God building; that he went by the road which his brethren the Culebras had bored; that he marked it, and that he passed by the houses of the thirteen Culebras. He relates, that, in returning from one of his voyages, he found seven other families of the Tzequil nation, who had joined the first inhabitants, and recognized in them the same origin as his own, that is, of the Culebras. He speaks of the place where they built their first town, which, from its founders, received the name of Tzequil; he affirms the having taught them refinement of manners in the use of the table, table cloth, dishes, basins, cups and napkins; that, in return for these, they taught him the knowledge of God and of his worship, his first ideas of a king and obedience to him; and that he was chosen captain of all these united families. Let us follow the progress of this celebrated chief of the first inhabitants of the American continent, let us examine his narrative carefully, and observe if it agrees with the histories and ancient traditions of the writers of both hemispheres, and compare it with some of the few monuments and documents furnished by Antonio del Rio. I repeat, let us confidently follow this ingenious historian, and examine what he means by Culebra, and what proofs he gives of being Culebra. His words are, "I am Culebra, because I am Chivim:" this, at first sight. appears a very short and inconclusive argument, but with a little study, admits of a clear and convincing explanation. Among the few writers I have consulted, in order to comprehend Votan, the benedictine Calmet, in his Commentaries on the Old Testament, has cleared the way for me, and saved much trouble in this work, as, by diligent study and unwearied industry, he has collected whatever the most esteemed ancient authors have produced, in my opinion as most probable. Let us suppose then, with Calmet and other authors whom he quotes, that some of the Hivites, who were descendants from Heth, son of Canaan, were settled on the shores of the Mediterranean sea, and known from the most remote periods under the name of Hivim or Givim, from which region they were expelled, some years before the departure of the Hebrews from Egypt, by the Caphtorims or Philistines, who, according to some writers, were colonists from Cappadocia, others conceiving them to be from Cyprus, and, more probably, according to a third opinion from Crete, now Candia; that, to strengthen their native country Egypt, and to protect themselves from all assault, they built five strong cities, viz. Accaron, Azotus, Ashdod, Ascalon and Gaza, from whence they made frequent sallies upon the Canaanite towns and all their surrounding neighbours, (except the Egyptians, whom they always respected,) and carried on many wars in the posterior ages against the Hebrews. The scriptures, Deuteronomy chap. 2, verse 23, and Joshua, chap. 13, verse 4 inform us of the expulsion of the Hivites (Givim) by the Caphtorims, from which it appears that the latter drove out the former, who inhabited the countries from Azzah to Gaza. Many others were settled in the vicinity of the mountains of Eval and Azzah, among whom were reckoned the Sichemites and the Gabaonites; the latter, by stratagem, made alliance with Joshua, or submitted to him; lastly, others had their dwellings about the skirts of mount Hermon beyond Jordan, and to the eastward of Canaan. Joshua, chap. 11, 3. Of these last were Cadmus and his wife Hermione or Hermonia, both memorable in sacred as well as profane history, as their exploits occasioned their being exalted to the rank of deities while in regard to their metamorphosis into snakes, (Culebras,) mentioned by Ovid, Metam. lib. 3, their being Hivites may have given rise to this fabulous transmutation, the name in the Phoenician language implying a snake, which the ancient Hebrew writers suppose to have been given from this people being accustomed to live in caves under ground like snakes. Cadmus, in the opinion of Suidas, was the son of Agenor or Ogyges, who, according to Calmet, is the giant Og, king of Basan, (situated at the foot of mount Hermon,) who was vanquished and slain with all his family and followers by Moses when he entered into the land of promise, about the year of the world 2253, which agrees with 1451 of the vulgar era, and 1447 before Christ. -- We are told of his immense stature in Deuteronomy, 3, 11, by the enormous size of his iron bedstead, the length of which is described in cubits, viz. 9 by 4. In the time of Moses, sojourning in the wilderness. Cadmus accompanied by his sister Cilix, his mother Telephassa, and a numerous company of his friends who were desirous of sharing his fortunes, quitted his father at the entreaty of his sister Europa, to take revenge upon Jupiter, who had transformed himself into a white bull and carried her away: some mythologists, however, suppose that the ship in which she was transported had the figure of a white bull at its prow, and in this manner the fable originated; but the most probable conjecture is, that he abandoned his country from a reasonable dread of the sentence promulgated by the Almighty for the total destruction of the children of Canaan, of which the Hebrew people was destined to be the instrument; and this fear might have been increased by the dreadful plague of hornets that preceded the Hebrew invasion. The first enterprise undertaken by Cadmus was the conquest of the Sidonians, the descendants of Sidonius, eldest son of Canaan,) and the foundation of the kingdom of Tyre in that part of the country bounded on the west by the Mediterranean sea, and by the Red Sea on the east; a situation most convenient for extending the great commerce that has rendered this people so celebrated in history, both sacred and profane. The establishment of this kingdom is fixed by Calmet, anno mundi 2549, or 1455 before Christ, and which year, he says, corresponds with the 37th of the Israelites wandering in the wilderness: about the same period Cilix founded the kingdom of Cilicia, on the confines of Tyre, and on the same coast of the Mediterranean. Vol. I. No. 44 (Feb. 15, 1834)
ANTIQUITIES. Cadmus founded the city of Thebes. situated near mount Parnassus, the capital of his empire, and fortified it with a citadel' which he called Cadmea' after his own name. The epoch of the foundation of Thebes is ascertained from one of the Parian marbles, (now called the Arundel marbles, because the earl of Arundel, an English nobleman, at a very great expense, transported them to his own country,) to have been in the sixty-fourth year of the Attican era, indubitably coinciding with 3195 of the Julian, and 1519 before the Christian era; at which period, Moses was with his father-in-law, Jethro, in the land of Midian. Greece was indebted to Cadmus for the art of writing, the cultivation of the vine, the consecration of images, the rights of sanctuary so scrupulously respected by antiquity, and the use of arms offensive and defensive; he was the first warrior who armed his soldiers with helmets of copper, and he taught the extraction of this metal from the mineral containing it, and which, up to the present day, has retained the name of Cadmia. His disastrous end did not prevent the superstition of the times from celebrating his worth, his talents, and his valour, by placing him among the demi-gods. The fable says, that his soldiers, having been killed by a serpent near a fountain, whither they went to fetch water, (alluding to a battle that he lost against Draco,) he avenged their death by killing their destroyer, from which he pulled out the teeth, and sowing them, by the advice of Minerva, they produced a plentiful harvest of armed men, so warlike, and so fiery in their tempers, that, upon a slight disagreement arising between them, they fought and killed each other, excepting five only, by whom this part of Greece was afterwards peopled. This is not a proper place to discuss the meaning of the fable: unseasonable erudition seldom fails to weary the reader, and leads his attention from the principal subject under consideration; Homer and many other grave authors have transgressed by such a display; it is, nevertheless, undeniable, that this fable is one of the greatest supporters of history; I cannot, however, forbear remarking, that the Phoenician words expressive of a copper helmet were so ambiguous as to signify also a man armed for war, a serpent's teeth, and the number five. The invention of such a fable, its being fostered and propagated, either by the priests of the deified personage, or the princes, his descendants and successors, might have occasioned the first and true meaning of the words to be forgotten; while their own interest or convenience may have engrafted the deception on the minds of the vulgar, who, from ignorance and simplicity, are always prone to credit portentous novelties, more particularly, when they tend to identify the characters of their beloved princes with their national glory; and especially when their religion is concerned. It is also necessary to observe, that the names of Cadmus and Hermione are not proper to these persons: Hermione was so called from being born a Hivite among those who dwelt near mount Hermon: while Cadmus signifies an eastern man, or one who comes from the country situated towards the east; but this denomination was not indiscriminately given to all Orientals, as Calmet, together with other authors quoted by him, believes; but it properly belonged to the Hivites near mount Hermon, who were known as Kadmonites or Cedmonites, from the Hebrew word kedem, which, according to the interpretation of the rabbi Jonathan, Genesis, chap. 15, verse 19, means east; and Calmet also places them in this situation. Paraphrastres of Jerusalem, in glossing the word Heveum, chap. 10, verse 17, of Genesis, is, in my opinion, more correct in rendering it Tripolitanum, meaning to insinuate, as Calmet says, that "the Hebrews removed themselves to Africa, into the kingdom of Tripoli," or to speak more accurately, to Tripoli of Syria, a town in the kingdom of Tyre, which was anciently called Chivim. Under this supposition, when Votan says he is Culebra, because he is Chivim, he clearly shows, that he is a Hivite originally of Tripoli in Syria which he calls Valum Chivim, where he landed in his voyages to the old continent. Here then we have his assertion, I am Culebra, because I am Chivim, proved true, by a demonstration as evident, as if he had said, I am a Hivite, native of Tripoli in Syria, which is Valum Chivim, the port of my voyages to the old continent, and belonging to a nation famous for having produced such a hero as Cadmus, who, by his valour and exploits was worthy of being changed into a Culebra, (snake,) and placed among the gods; whose worship, for the glory of my nation and race I teach to the seven families of the Tezquiles, that I found, on returning from one of my voyages, united to the seven families, inhabitants of the American continent, whom I conducted from Valum Votan, and distributed lands among them. Should a scrupulous reader not feel conviction from this interpretation, the brass medal, of which two specimens were found, one of them now in the possession of Don Ramon Ordonez, the other, which was my own, I presented to the King, with two copies of this work by the hands of the President, on the 2d of June, 1794, will remove every doubt on this head, (the drawing is in all respects the same as the original, except being rather enlarged,) and fully authenticate the rest of what Votan relates in his history, as well as demonstrate that the American tradition as to his origin and his expulsion from the kingdom of Amaguemecan, which was his first disaster on this continent, applies to him; while the narrative and the medal, assisted by some portions of information from Captain del Rio, will elucidate a few historical fragments which have been related by writers of the greatest authority, but are considered apocryphal by the most esteemed modern authors. The medal is a concise history of the primitive population of this part of North America, and of the expulsion of the Chichemecas from Amaguemecan the capital of which indubitably was the Palencian city, hitherto sought for in vain, either to the northward of Mexico, or in the north of Asia. This history, comprised in so small a compass, is the best panegyric that can be given upon the sublime genius of its inventors, of whose descendants, at the time of the conquest, it was a matter of doubt whether they possessed rationality or not. On one side, the first seven families to whom Votan distributed lands are symbolized by seven trees; one of them is withered, manifestly indicating the extinction of the family it represented; at its root, there is a shrub of a different species, demonstrative of a new family supplying its place. The largest tree is a cieba, wild cotton, placed in the midst of the others, and overshadowing them with its branches; it has a snake, Culebra, twined round its trunk, showing the Hivite, the origin of all these seven families, and the principal posterity of Cadmus in one of them; it also exposes the mistake of Nunez de la Vega, in applying the symbol of the cieba to Ninus, and more strongly than ever establishes the derivation of Votan and the seven families he conducted hither from the Culebras. The signification of the withered tree, the shrub at its foot, and the bird on the top, I shall give when I speak of the idol Huitzlopochtli. The reverse of the medal shows other seven trees, with an Indian kneeling, the hands joined, the countenance sorrowful, the eyes cast down, in the act of invoking divine help in the serious tribulation that afflicts him: this distress is typified by a crocodile on each side, with open mouth, as if intent on devouring him. These devices doubtless imply the seven families of the Tzequiles, whom Votan says he found on his return from Valum Chivim. Although it may not be an easy matter to assign a reason why each tree is expressive of each family in particular, it is incontrovertible, that the Mexican nation had the Opuntia or Nopal, (two of them,) as its peculiar device therefore, the others might, in the same manner, have belonged to other tribes now unknown. An eagle, with a snake in its beak and claws, on the Nopal, is also confirmatory of Votan's having recognised in the Tzequiles the same origin from the Culebras as his own, and strengthens the Mexican tradition, of his having been driven from Amaguemecan.
(For an illustration of the medal described in the preceding paragraph, Clavigero, in his ancient history of Mexico, vol. I, book 2, speaks of this kingdom, and the arrival of the Chichemecas at the city before mentioned, which he calls the country of Anahuac, and interprets the name to mean "the place of the waters:" he says their native country and principal city was named Amaguemecan, a word implying the same meaning as Anahuac, where, according to their own account, many kings of their nation had reigned. Torquemada says, he found, from the Mexican written and oral histories, that there had existed three kings of Amaguemecan. The traditions alluded to by Torquemada receive some confirmation from Captain del Rio's Report, in which he says he found in the corridor of a building (called by him the great house, casa grande, in the Palencian city) three crowned human heads, cut in stone; and connected with the same, by a line proceeding from the hinder part, there were figures representing different subjects. In this manner, the ancients used to describe their sovereigns; and, in still more remote periods, their deities. It is known beyond the possibility of doubt, that, in the early ages of paganism, the idols were represented by symbols or symbolical figures only; until, in the course of time, painting and the sculpture of human figures were introduced, and afterwards greatly improved by Daedalus of Crete. Thus, formerly, a trident was the synonymy of Neptune, until the improved art of designation placed a human head before it; a shield or a club indicated Hercules; a sword or a shield, Mars; so that each deity or demi-god was known by his appropriate symbol. The Mexicans followed this method to express the names of their kings, and transmit the remembrance of them to posterity; and, in so doing, they used the same means of description that they had been taught by their ancestors from the old continent. Clavigero has given, in his second volume, portraits of the nine monarchs who occupied the Mexican throne. The first was Acamapitzin, represented by a crowned head, to the posterior part of which, joined by a line is the device of a hand grasping some reeds, because the name Acamapitzin signifies "one who has reeds in his hand." The second was Huitzilihuith, who had for his device the small bird called chupaflores, or chupamiel, (the humming bird,) with one of its feathers in its beak; Huitzilihuith meaning a chupaflore's feather. The third, Chimalpopoca, had a shield emitting smoke; his name by interpretation, is "a smoking shield." The fourth, Itzcoate, a snake armed with small lances, the itzli stone; the name implying "snake armed with itzli," -- and in like manner for the others. Vol. I. No. 45 (Feb. 22, 1834)
ANTIQUITIES. In the small turrets on the top of the tower, Rio found two stones imbedded in the walls: on these were sculptured two female figures with extended arms, each supporting an infant; this circumstance appears to point out the burial places of two queens, or two young princesses, or perhaps of both. Of these figures he took drawings, but they are imperfect, as the faces had disappeared beneath the mouldering touch of time. Combining then the tradition of the Mexicans, as related by all writers on their history, respecting their kingdom of Amaguemecan, of there having been three Chichemecan kings; of their expulsion from thence, as mentioned by Trorquemada, and confirmed by del Rio's account of the three crowned heads, accompanied by devices similar to those used by the Mexicans to represent their sovereigns; the tower divided into three portions, in each of which was deposited the body of a king; keeping also under consideration Votan's history, and that so ingeniously shown by the medal; all these circumstances united tend to demonstrate, by evidence as clear as evidence can prove, that the kingdom of Amaguemecan was situated in the present province of Chiapa; and that all the writers who have embraced the opinion that it existed in the north of America, or in Asia, have continued in error. They may have been misled by discovering in some accounts that the Chichemecas and other tribes came from the northward to possess themselves of the kingdom of the Tultecas, which had been nearly depopulated by the plague; they appear, however, to have overlooked the information they might have acquired, or perhaps did acquire, that the earliest inhabitants of America came from the eastward; that they proceeded from the eastern part to the northward, and again descended thence; or, more probably, from carelessness of research than from a total want of information, which, how slender soever it might have been, their curiosity should have prompted them to examine thoroughly. Of this historical fact, Herman Cortes obtained intelligence from the Emperor Montezuma himself, almost immediately after his arrival: the information was confirmed in a most solemn manner when Montezuma and the nobles of his empire assembled to swear homage to the monarch of Spain, Charles V; Cortes, however, supposing Montezuma was mistaken, paid no attention to his account: he was himself deceived, and continuing in this belief, has been the cause of succeeding writers perpetuating the error, if I may be permitted to speak so decisively. In order, however, to fix the reader's attention to what I have here asserted, I shall introduce literally the two discourses of Montezuma, as Cortes communicated them to his Majesty, Charles V, in his first letter, dated October 30, 1520. This, with several other letters, notes, and documents, was reprinted at Mexico in 1770, by order of Don Francisco Antonio Lorenzana, at that time Archbishop of Mexico, afterwards Archbishop of Toledo, and subsequently raised to the dignity of a Cardinal. "It is," said Montezuma to Cortes, "now many days since our historians have informed us, that neither my ancestors, nor myself, nor any of the people who now inhabit this country, are natives of it; we are strangers, and came hither from very distant parts: they also tell us, that a lord to whom all were vassals brought our race to this land, and returned to his native place. That, after a long time, he came here again, and found that those whom he had left were married to the women of the country, had large families, and had built towns in which they dwelt. He wished to take them away, but they would not consent to accompany him, nor permit him to remain here as their chief; therefore he went away. That we have always been assured his descendants would return to conquer our country, and reduce us again to his obedience. You say you come from the part where the sun rises; we believe and hold to be true the things which you tell us of this great lord or king who sent you hither; that he is our natural lord, particularly as you say that it is very many days since he has had notice of us. Be therefore sure we will obey you, and take you for our lord in the place of the good lord of whom you tell us. In this there shall be neither failure nor deception; therefore, command according to your will in all the country, that is, in every part I have under my dominions; your will shall be obeyed and done; all that we have is subject to whatever you may please to command. You are therefore in your own country, in your own house; rejoice and rest from the fatigues of your journey, and the wars you have been engaged in." He continued to say many other things, which I omit as being irrelevant. In another discourse, Montezuma said to the chiefs and Caciques, whom he had convoked in the presence of Cortes and himself: -- "My brothers and friends, you already know that your grandfathers, your fathers, and yourselves, have been and are the vassals of my ancestors and myself; by them and by me you have always been honoured and well treated; you have uniformly performed every thing that good and loyal subjects are bound to do for their natural lords. I believe, also you have heard from your predecessors that we are not natives of this country; that they came from a far distant land; that they were brought hither by a lord who left them here, and to whom all were subject. A long time after, this lord came again, and found that our grandfathers had married with the women of this country, had settled and peopled it with a numerous posterity, and would not accompany him back to his country, or receive him here as the chief of this. He then went away, saying he would return with, or send such a power as should overcome them, and reduce them to his service. You well know we have always expected him, and according to the things which the captain has told us of the king who sent him to us, and from the part he says he comes from, I think it certain, and you cannot fail to be of the same opinion, that this is no other than the chief we look for, particularly, as he declares that, in the place he comes from, they have been informed about us. As our predecessors did not do what they ought to have done by their chief, let us do it, and let us give thanks to our gods that in our time has come to pass the event which has been so long expected. As all this is manifest to all of you. much do I entreat you to obey this great king henceforward, as you have hitherto obeyed and esteemed me as your lawful sovereign, for he is your natural lord, and in his place I beseech you to obey this his great captain." He proceeded by desiring that such tributes and services as had usually been paid to and performed for him, should in future be transferred to Cortes, as the representative of their king; saying, that he would himself pay contributions to him, and serve him in whatsoever he should command The assembled chiefs confirmed the tradition, and replied, "that they had always considered him as their lord, and were bound to perform whatever he should command them, and for this reason, as well as for the one he had just given them, they were content to do it." (Let this expression, they were content, &c., be noted.) All this, says Cortes passed before a notary, who reduced it to the form of a public act, and I required it to be testified as such in the presence of many Spaniards. Cortes, wishing to keep Montezuma in the error which he supposed him to have fallen into, says in his first letter: -- " I replied to all he had said in the way most suitable to myself, especially, by making him believe your majesty to be the chief whom they have so long expected." It is surprising that the unvarying tradition of the first occupiers of America having come from the east, should not have been examined or attended to by Cortes, and that it should have been unobserved by subsequent writers, and by the introduction of the following notes into the republication of Montezuma's discourses. is not less astonishing. "The Mexicans, by tradition, came from the northern parts of the province of Quivira, and the particular places of their habitations are known with certainty; this affords an evident proof that the conquest of the Mexican empire was achieved by the Tultecas, or people of Tula, which was the capital. This was an erroneous belief of the Indians, because they came from the north; but, had they proceeded from the peninsula of Yucatan, it might with truth be said that they came from the east with respect to Mexico. In the whole of this discourse, Cortes obviously took advantage of the erroneous notions of the Indians." The natives were not mistaken, but Cortes was in error from disregarding their traditions, which, to say the least, he ought to have kept in recollection, and carefully examined, when a little industry would most unquestionably have satisfied him, but, as it was known, on the other hand, that the Mexicans and other nations occupying the desolated kingdom of the Tultecas. descended from the northern regions, he took no pains to search out from whence and in what manner they came. This negligence of Cortes occasioned the error in authors who wrote after him; and it arose principally from their not having attended to the tradition of the few existing testimonies of the Tultecas, Chiapanecos, and Yucataneses, and the few historical fragments produced by writers of the greatest authority on the other continent, who have been similarly condemned by the most celebrated modern authors. The Indians carefully preserved the remembrance of their origin, and of their ancestors' early progress from the voluntary or the forced abandonment of Palestine on the ingress of the Hebrews; but these incidents have been, in my opinion, erroneously interpreted by authors. I will here introduce what the advocate Joseph Antonio Constantini advances on this subject. In the second volume of his Critical Letters, in that entitled On the Origin of the Americans, he says: "We are indebted to Gemelli for some valuable information which he obtained, during his residence in Mexico, from Don Carlos de Siguenza y Gonzora, into whose possession it came, as being testamentary executor of Don Juan de Alva, a lineal descendant from the king of Tezcuco, who received it from his ancestors: this is, therefore, the most authentic document which Gemelli procured, and he has carefully preserved it in his sixth volume by a plate. This engraving displays a table or itinerary, on which are delineated the voyages of their progenitors who peopled Mexico; it consists of different circles, divided into a hundred and four signs, signifying one hundred and four years, which they say their forefathers spent in their several domiciles before they reached the lake of Mexico; there are numerous and various representations of mountains, trees, plants, heads of men, animals, birds, feathers, leaves, stones, and other objects descriptive of their different habitations, and the accidents they met with, but which at present cannot be understood." This itinerary I have never had an opportunity of seeing. although very desirous of obtaining that advantage, nor the book which Botturini says was written by the celebrated Mexican astronomer Huematzin, and called by him Teomoxtli: the divine book; wherein, by means of certain figures, he shows the origin of the Indians, their dispersion after the separation of nations subsequent to the confusion of tongues, their wanderings, their first settlement in America, and the foundation of the kingdom of Tula, (which, I suspect from the mistakes of writers is not that of Amaguemecan,) and their progress down to his time: these incidents appear to be the same as those which happened to the Canaanites generally, and to the Hivites in particular, along the whole coast of Africa, until their passing into America and arrival at the lake of Mexico. The hundred and four years of domicile described by him were in Africa, and not for the space of one year each, but of many years, according to the exigence of circumstances in the progress of population; for it is evident the peopling of the earth, after the general dispersion of the human race, advanced but slowly, as colonies could not be settled without surmounting great difficulties in clearing the ground from trees and thickets which covered it in every part. This was boring the ground, in the meaning of Votan, when he says, he went by the road that his ancestors the Culebras had formerly bored. Calmet, in his dissertation on the country to which the Canaanites retired when they were expelled by Joshua concurs in affirming this to be true. This enlightened writer, after relating various opinions which he proves to be ill-founded, says, the one most generally received, most consonant with truth, and also conformable to the Gemarra Hierosolemitana, is that which supposes the Canaanites went into Africa. He adds that Procopius, lib. 2, cap. 10, of the Vandalic War, says they first fled into Egypt, where they increased in number, and then pursued their course to the remotest regions of Africa; they built many cities, spread themselves over the adjacent countries, occupying nearly all the tract that extends to the columns of Hercules, and retained their ancient language, although in some degree corrupted. To support this opinion, he adduces a monument erected by this nation, which was found in the city of Tangier: it consisted of two columns of white marble, with this inscription in Phoenician characters: "We are the children of those who fled from the robber Jesus, the son of Nave, and here found a safe retreat." These columns may very possibly be the marks that Votan says he left behind him on the road that his ancestors had bored; but they were considered apocryphal by Feyjoo, from the expression of the inscription, that Jesus or Joshua was the son of Nave, whereas it is stated in the scriptures, that he was the son of Nun; it seems therefore to have escaped Feyjoo's recollection, that Joshua is indiscriminately called the son of Nave or of Nun in different places of Holy Writ. Although we cannot fix to a certain epoch the time of the Canaanites occupying the coasts of Africa, inasmuch as it did not take place at one period, but gradually, as they found themselves oppressed by the Hebrew wars; and because many of the Hivites, as we have already said, abandoned their dwellings before Joshua entered Palestine; there is no doubt that all these colonies existed prior to the Trojan war; because Greeks returning from thence found that every part of the coast of Africa where they landed had been already peopled by the Phoenicians. On this point the Greek and Latin writers agree, according to the testimony of Bochart, in his work entitled Canaan; and of Hornius, on the origin of the people of America. Lib. 2, cap. 3, 4: quoted by Calmet. The era of the Trojan war is fixed at two hundred and forty years after the death of Joshua. Taking this for granted, and comparing the epoch when the aforesaid colonies were established in Africa, with that which I shall presently show concerning the foundation of the first colony in America by the grandfather of Votan, it will clearly appear, that each of the hundred and four signs in the itinerary of Gemelli does not correspond with a residence of one year, but of many. This itinerary, supposed by many historians as appertaining to Asia, or the northern parts of America, has been the means of augmenting our historical difficulties so much, that we encounter nothing but confusion, doubts, and queries: this will be seen by referring to the works of Clavigero, Torquemada, and all others who hare treated on this subject. It nevertheless confirms the narrative of Votan, and the suppositions I have ventured to make, as will hereafter appear. As it has been already proved that Valum Chivim where Votan landed in his four voyages to the old continent, is Tripoli in Syria, it is now requisite to examine what was the situation of Valum Votan, from whence he took his departure. In order to discuss this important question, which will have the effect of drawing from the depths of obscurity and uncertainty into which time and revolutions upon the old continent have plunged them, those historical records that remained in ancient traditions, we shall derive sufficient assistance from Calmet, in his dissertations before mentioned, relative to the country in which the Canaanites, when expelled by Joshua and the Judges his successors, took refuge, as also from the excellence of the Hebrew history. This celebrated writer recites the opinions of the most classic authors on the discovery of America, and the origin of its inhabitants, to which, however, he does not always assent, and among them produces that of Hornius, who, supported by the authority of Strabo, affirms as certain, that voyages from Africa and Spain into the Atlantic ocean were both frequent and celebrated, adding from Strabo, that Eudoxius sailing from the Arabian gulf to Ethiopia and India; found the prow of a ship that had been wrecked, which, from having the head of a horse carved on it, he knew belonged to a Phoenician bark, and some Gaditani merchants declared it to have been a fishing vessel: Laertius relates nearly the same circumstance. Hornius says, (continues Calmet,) that, in very remote ages, three voyages were made to America, the first by the Atlantes, or descendants of Atlas, who gave his name to the ocean and the islands Atlantides; this name Plato appears to have learned from the Egyptian priests, the general Custodes of antiquity. The second voyage mentioned by Hornius, is given on the authority of Diodorus Siculus, lib. 5, cap. 19, where he says: The Phoenicians having passed the columns of Hercules, and being impelled by the violence of the wind, abandoned themselves to its fury, and after experiencing many tempests, were thrown upon an island in the Atlantic ocean, distant many days' navigation to the westward of the coast of Lybia; which island, possessing a fertile soil, had navigable rivers, and there were large buildings upon it. The report of this discovery soon spread among the Carthagenians and Romans; the former being harassed by the wars of the latter, and the people of Mauritania, sent a colony to that island with great secrecy, that, in the event of being overcome by their enemies, they might possess a place of safe retreat. Vol. I. No. 46 (Mar. 1, 1834)
ANTIQUITIES. The other voyage in the Atlantic spoken of by Calmet was anterior to the preceding, and is that attributed to Hercules, who is the supposed author of the Gaditanian columns, and whom Galleo ranks as contemporary with Moses, and chief of the Canaanites who left Palestine on the invasion of Joshua: this hero had the surname Magusanus, derived from the Chaldean word Gouz, signifying to scratch, and by metaphor to pass, from which root, ships and fords of rivers are called Megizze in the Chaldaic idiom; of his sea voyages, there existed a vestige in the town of West Cappell in the island of Walcherene; it was the painting of a ship and her captain, who was represented at an advanced age, the forepart of his head bald, and his face tanned by the sun; he was worshipped as a deity at a temple in the same town, and sacrifices, according to the Phoenician rites, were offered to him. There were many other heroes of this name; but no writer has decided whether to Magusanus or one of his descendants, or whether to a Phoenician distinguished by the same appellation, we are to attribute the navigation of the Atlantic. Certain, however it is, that Diodorus speaks of a Hercules who sailed round the world, and who founded the city of Lecta in Septimania; but no writer has pointed out its situation. With how much reason was the prize awarded to that young prince of the royal house of David who maintained, when disputing in the congress of wise men assembled by king Ahasuerus, that truth is the most irresistible gift that can be bestowed; for the power of the most absolute monarch, the stimulating effects of the most generous wine, or the transcendent charms of the most bewitching beauty, is not sufficiently strong to subdue it. The coincidence in the memorials of the writers of the old continent, whom I have just mentioned, with the tradition, as introduced in Montezuma's two discourses, that the Mexicans came originally from the east, with the narrative of Votan, with the incidents commemorated by the medal, with the report of Captain del Rio, and with the figures of the ultramarine deities Isis and Osiris sketched by him in the temple of the Paleneian city, form altogether such an irretfragable body of evidence as it is almost impossible to discredit. The revolution of ages has been the parent of an error among modern writers, and even rendered the truths of the more classic ancients problematical, because the latter have not been studied with sufficient care by their successors; but time itself now steps in to vindicate their credit, and becomes an incontrovertible evidence of the veracity of these slighted and discredited narratives. To connect the various incidents I have adduced, it will now be necessary to examine the periods of the events narrated, and inquire in which of the voyages already mentioned the population of America had its beginning; and in what part, and at what time, the ancestors of Votan colonized it, and who these ancestors were. The first voyage was that of Atlas. Atlas was the son of Japetus brother to Saturn, and cousin to Jupiter, who, in the war which the latter waged against his father Saturn and his uncles the Titans, made himself master of the frontiers of Africa; Atlas and Jupiter were therefore contemporaries: the reign of the latter is supposed by many ancient historians to have been coeval with that of Belus king of Assyria; but this supposition determines nothing with certainty, on account of the difficulty which exists in attempting to ascertain the precise epoch when the Assyrian empire commenced. The Abbe Lenglet, after much research, decides it to have been one thousand eight hundred years prior to the Christian era. See his work, 8vo. edit. tom II, chap. 12. Neither from Atlas, then, nor from any of his posterity, could Votan derive his origin, for this reason, among many others that I omit in order to avoid fatiguing the reader, that the Atlantides were not of the race of the Culebras. Votan's family must, therefore, be sought for among some of the maritime heroes of succeeding ages. It could not have been from any one of the Phoenicians in the second voyage that has been described, since they found large houses on the island, consequently it must have been peopled long before their arrival, and if we examine attentively the time at which this voyage could have been made, it will appear to be long subsequent to the periods of which Votan speaks in his history. At the time Diodorus alludes to, the Republic of Carthage was in the zenith of its splendour, for it was then able to intercept the expedition sent against the island by the Romans, with the intention of establishing their dominion in the same. This epoch must have been a little prior to the first Punic War; the commencement of the kingdom of Amaguemecan was at some period during the progress of that contest; this kingdom was not however of long continuance and its ruin gave rise to that of Tula. From the different epochs of the Punic wars, we may certainly perceive that they were ulterior to the time at which Votan says he undertook his voyages to the old continent, and much more recent than the period when the first American colony was settled by the grand-father of Votan, as well as many ages posterior to the foundation of the kingdom of Amaguemecan, which, as I have before observed, are the points we must now consider. We will therefore commence by enquiring who was Votan's grand-father? Sallust, quoted by Calmet, in his commentary on the Jugurthine war, states, in the history of the kingdom of Numidia, written in the Punic language, that he had read an African tradition of the arrival in that country of Hercules Tyrius or Lybius, with an army of Medes, Persians, and Armenians; these soldiers married Lybian women, and their language imperceptibly degenerating from its original purity, in process of time they lost the name of Medes and Armenians, and at last, by an astonishing corruption of these words, were called Mauricii or Moors. Hornicus, in his commentary upon this passage of Sallust, relying on the authority of Pausanius, says, that the true name of this Hercules was Macerim, which he supposes to be derived from the Phoenician, or Hebrew word mechoer, meaning wise, desirous of knowledge, or investigator. Sallust, from not being well informed in the affairs of the Canaanites, may very probably have confounded the names of the Arabians, Syrians or Amorites, conducted by Hercules; so that the Armenians the Amorites, may have been the Mauricii, or Madianites the Medes, and the Pheresians the Persians. The opinion, says Calmet, of such authors as conceive that the major part of the Canaanites, after being driven from Palestine, occupied the coast of Africa, is neither new nor doubtful; it is confirmed by ancient names, such as Ardanes. Pona, Leptis, Utica, Tangier, and others, which are all of Phoenician origin; and in the time of Saint Augustine these people still retained some record of having originally been Canaanites; for, he says, in his exposition of Saint Paul's epistle to the Romans, when interrogating the country people concerning their origin, they replied in the Punic tongue, that they were Canaanites. To this we may add, that modern critics acknowledge an affinity between the Punic and Canaanite languages; that the places mentioned have Phoenician appellations; the name of Carthage is Phoenician, and so for instance is that of the Canary islands, so called from their inhabitants having been Canaanites, and giving this name generally, while Hornius speaking of Gomera, one of these islands, supposes it to have been peopled by the Amorites. More credit must be ascribed to Votan, who makes the people of the same race as himself, viz. of the Culebras, and consequently Hivites; these islands are thirteen in number, and it can scarcely be doubted that they are the thirteen houses of the Culebras which he speaks of having visited in his voyages: it is also as little to be disputed that in these islands, as well as throughout all the coast, the race of Canaan was found to be mixed with the Hivites. The bird noticed in the Itinerary by Gemelli, shows the course which the Hivites took in their route to these islands; but the arm of the sea observed by Torquemada in all the. paintings of the same document, is not, and indeed cannot be, the Rio Colorado (red river) as Clavigero and other authors have imagined, whose waters fall into the bay of California, which is the most considerable of all those northward of Mexico, from whence it is pretended those nations came who first peopled the continent, as it evidently represents that part of the Atlantic between the Canaries and America. See Torquemada and Clavigero in their second volumes. All that has been advanced will prove Hercules Tyrius to have been a different person from Magusanus, and subsequent to him; the latter, as Lenglet, understands, was Ethens, a contemporary of Moses, and the former a Hivite, from being a Tyrian; it has equally been proved that the Hivites founded the kingdom of Tyre, and what Sallust relates convinces us, in all its circumstances, that the irruption of this Hercules was many ages after that of Magusanus. Votan declares himself to be the third of the Votans; Sallust affirms that the soldiers of Hercules Tyrius and their wives spoke the African language, but sensibly degenerated from its ancient purity. Diodorus asserts that one Hercules navigated the whole circuit of the earth, and built the city of Alecta in Septimania. All these circumstances, in conjunction with what I have already stated, induce me, and will lead any erudite examiner to conclude, with every appearance of probability, that Hercules Tyrius was the progenitor of Votan, that Septimania is, beyond a doubt, the island Atlantis or Hispaniola, that the city of Alecta was Valum Votan, capital of the same island from whence Votan embarked his first colony to people the continent of America, and whither he departed for the countries on the old hemisphere. I am confirmed in my selection of this island from among the many dispersed throughout the Atlantic, not only on account of its position and magnitude exceeding all the others, but also, from its fertility and numerous navigable rivers, and chiefly from its having been the island of the Olmeca nations. In the Mexican tradition, which has been adopted by many eminent authors, (Siguenza and Boturini among others,) it was considered certain, that the Olmecas arrived at this island from the eastward, and crossed from thence to the continent. Boturini, however, is of opinion, that when the Olmecas were driven from their country, they proceeded to the Antilles Island, and thence to the southern part of America, this may have been the fact with part of that nation when the kingdom of Amaguemecan was destroyed, without being repugnant to the idea that the portion of that race which remained on Terra Firma may have penetrated further into the continent, and shared in the adversities of the other nations expelled from the same kingdom. I refer the reader to what father Jumilla says on the subject in his "Orinoco Illustrated" respecting those nations that retained the tradition of their having left the island of Hispaniola in order to take possession of those countries. If what has been adduced be combined with the points of history I have extracted from writers of both hemispheres, it will not be difficult to fix the epoch in which Hercules Tyrius lived, and founded the first town in America; that in which his grandson Votan lived; of his voyages to the old continent; of his arrival there from America; of the Phoenician ship driven ashore by the tempest; of the transport of the Carthagenian colony to America; of the prohibitory decree inflicting capital punishment on any of their subjects who should proceed thither, and the recalling of such as had already emigrated; of the periods of the foundation and ruin of Amaguemecan; of the circumstances which caused that event, and, as connected with it, the beginning of the kingdom of the Tultecas. Admitting, then, that Votan was the third of his race, and supposing thirty years to be allowed for each generation, Hercules Tyrius will appear to have lived ninety years before Votan. This period is not so definitively fixed but that the variation of thirty or forty years, more or less, may be admitted; "the error of a few years in the calculation of historical periods may be allowed, but the mistake of two or three centuries is not to be tolerated," says Dionysius Halicarnassus; and the Abbe Lenglet conjectures, that by an age in chronology the space of thirty years is to be understood. Under such a supposition, the above period will correspond with three hundred and eighty-one years, a little more or less, before the Christian era. The epoch of Votan's voyage to the old continent may be decided with certainty, for, he says he was at Rome, and saw the great House of God building. Vol. I. No. 47 (Mar. 8, 1834)
ANTIQUITIES. About this period, Rome and Carthage were in alliance for the second time, and the first war between them commenced forty-two years after this alliance, and twenty-six years after the arrival of Votan; consequently in the four hundred and forty-eighth year of the foundation of the city, corresponding with three hundred and seven years before Christ, this second alliance was formed, and in the four hundred and ninetieth year of Rome and the two hundred and sixty-fifth year before Christ, the first Punic War began. There is but little doubt that the Romans and the Carthaginians obtained their first knowledge of America from Votan himself, although it is probable the latter soon after obtained a confirmation of his report from the mariners of the ship spoken of by Diodorus; or, that the seven Tzequiles whom Votan speaks of finding in one of his returns, were of this same people; nor is it less to be doubted, that the first colony sent to America by the Carthaginians was previous to the first Punic War This colony, united to the Tzequiles, and reinforced by the Carthaginian mariners who fled from the miseries of war, remained in America and almost immediately rendered itself master of the country by subduing the first inhabitants, and interrupted the order which the native people had until that time observed, of being governed by two Captains elected by the priests, one from the family of Votan, the other from the Tzequiles, as related by Clavigero, lib. 1. To preserve harmony between them, the kingdom of Amaguemecan was established; and the perceptible migrations of the Carthaginians from their own country occasioned the Senate's decree commanding them to return, as mentioned by Diodorus, and confirmed by Montezuma in his discourses with Cortez. It is very credible that disobedience to this decree, the refusal to acknowledge fealty, the threat of the person sent to make known the decree, that he would either return with or send a sufficient force to overpower and compel them to subjection, and the consternation excited in their minds by such a menace, (for this alarm is implied in the Mexican tradition, and was spoken of by Montezuma to Cortes, when he says, "that those who were descended from him would return to conquer the country and reduce them to vassalage,") may have occasioned the downfall of Amaguemecan, because the original inhabitants. taking advantage of the general panic, which was probably increased by the death of Hamacatzin the last king, and the dissensions arising between his two sons Acheauhtzin and Xolotl respecting the succession, seriously thought of shaking off the yoke. For this purpose they formed secret meetings to concert measures for simultaneously commencing in all parts operations against their oppressors, and they suddenly expelled them. Torquemada, Clavigero, and others, mention these circumstances very confusedly, but they had not access to information of which we are now in possession. This fact, supported as it is by traditions of the Mexicans and Tultecas of Amaguemecan, is confirmed by the suppliant posture of the Indian between the two crocodiles on the medal, a document sufficient in itself to perpetuate so great and memorable an event. Again, there were no more than three kings of Amaguemecan: (Torquem.: vol. 2.) Ycoantzin, Moceloquichtzli, and Amacalzin; to the second, authors assign a reign of one hundred and fifty-six years, and to the third, one hundred and thirty-three years, but make no mention of the period the first reigned, these epochs are wholly beyond the pale of probability. By following however the rule laid down by Dionysius, Halicarnassus, and the note of Lenglet, as better founded on experience, we shall have ninety years, little more or less, which assumes a much greater appearance of truth; and, if this computation be adopted, it will show that the dynasty was extinct shortly after the decree which caused this revolution had been promulgated. If we have ascertained precisely the period when Votan was at Rome, it enables us to do the same in respect to other periods now under consideration and it is undeniable, that from fixed principles, consequences equally certain may be deduced. To accomplish this, we must have recourse to the Mexican computation, compare it with ours, and compare it with the periods of certain events of American history, and to the epochas assigned to them in their annals. The abbe Clavigero, in the sixth hook of his second volume, treats with great erudition upon the system adopted by the Americans in reckoning their months, years, and centuries. In computing centuries, years, and months, says the historian, the Mexicans and other nations used the same method as the ancient Tultecas The century consisted of fifty-two years, divided into four parts of thirteen years each, two centuries made an age of one hundred and four years, which was denominated Huchiretiliztli, a word meaning old age; to the end of the century they gave the name Toxihicnlolpia, which means the bond of our years, as it united two centuries to form one age. The years had four names, Tochtli, (rabbit,) Acatl, (reed;) Teopatl, (flint;) and Calli, (house,) which, combined with different numbers, formed the century. The first year of the century was one rabbit, the second two reed, the third three flint the fourth four house, the fifth five rabbit, thus continuing to the thirteenth, which was thirteen rabbit, when the first period terminated. The second period commenced with one reed, and proceeded, two flint, three house, four rabbit, and finished with thirteen reed. The third period began with one flint, and ended with thirteen flint, the fourth began with one house, and finished the century with thirteen house; so that the names being four, and the numbers thirteen, there was no year that could be confounded with another. The Mexican year, like ours, consisted of three hundred and sixty-five days; it contained eighteen months, and each month twenty days, making together three hundred and sixty days: they added to the last month five days, which were called Nemontemi, that is useless, because on those days they did nothing but pay and receive visits. The year one rabbit began on the 26th of February, but in every fourth year it advanced one intercalary day upon our bissextile year. In the last year of the century they began on the 14th of February, on account of the thirteen days interposed in the course of fifty-two years, but when the century was completed they recommenced upon the 26th. The same author says that he discovered in ancient writings and traditions, that the Tultecas being banished from Amaguemecan and its capital Huchicetlapalla, or Huehuetlapalan, commenced their pilgrimage in the year one flint; and that their settlement, at the foundation of their empire, was in the year eight reed, and although he supposes these two events happened about the years five hundred and ninety-six, and six hundred and sixty-seven of the Christian era, he declares in a note that the dates are not certain, but probable. It is not very surprising, considering the want of some information which has recently been acquired, that although Torquemada and others found from the annals of the Tultecas that their pilgrimage lasted eight years, from the first flint, until the eighth reed, they should have confounded it with one hundred and four years or signs of Gemelli's Itinerary, which, as we have already seen, was in Africa; nor does it excite much astonishment that they have proceeded with so much uncertainty, and diverged into such a variety of opinions, without having been able to discover the true origin of the Tultecas and Chichimecas. It deserves notice, as strongly confirming Votan's correctness on the subject of the seven Tzequil families, whom the authors, before named discovered, that during their pilgrimage the people were subject to seven Captains or Chiefs, whose names they have preserved, Zacatlebalcatzin, Evecatzin, Couatzin, Tzihualcoatl, Metzotzin and Tlapalmetzotzin, which are given with a trifling difference by Torquemada, who experienced so much difficulty in comprehending the Mexican tradition of their coming originally from the seven caves, that he confesses "he felt great diffidence in endeavouring to unravel a perplexity the solution of which so many had attempted and yet failed in developing;" yet all the obscurities would be cleared away by substituting the word houses for caves, and families for houses. The system of the Mexican century, divided as it is into four names and thirteen numbers, does not admit of any one year being repeated under the same name and any one year being repeated under the same name and number during that century, yet this repetition does occur in different centuries. This repetition will perhaps occasion doubts as to the century in which any particular event may have happened, especially in referring to very remote times, therefore the connexion and combination of one event with another, is the only method of surmounting the difficulty, and exactly deciding upon the century to which it refers. How are we to demonstrate the correctness of the following epochs? viz. Votan's arrival at Rome, in one of his voyages, in the year two hundred and ninety-one before Christ; the Punic wars in two hundred and thirty-five, in two hundred and nineteen, and in one hundred and fifty before Christ, and the destruction of Carthage, one hundred and forty-seven years before Christ. For these must prescribe the rule whereby to fix the Mexican century in which the pilgrimage of the Tultecas happened, and consequently the destruction of Amaguemecan and such other periods as may be required. Taking these as fixed data, and comparing the Mexican computation with our own, the year one flint, that in which the Toltecas were driven from Huchuetlapalan, the capital of Amaguemecan, and began their pilgrimage, will appear to be in one of their centuries which elapsed between Votan's appearance at Rome and the destruction of Carthage, for in this interval it must have happened; in one century it will agree with two hundred and eighty-five, in another with two hundred and thirty-three, and in a third with one hundred and eighty-one years before Christ. Vol. I. No. 48 (Mar. 15, 1834)
ANTIQUITIES. From hence it may be concluded that the true epoch of the fall of Amaguemecan, and the consequent peregrination of the Tultecas or Chichimecas, is that in which the Mexican year one flint corresponds with the year one hundred and eighty-one before Christ, because, if the ninety years assigned as the duration of Amaguemecan be added thereto, they will make two hundred and seventy-one. The result therefore is, that the date of the colony will be two hundred years after Votan's arrival, or six years before the first Punic war; the decree of the recall by the Carthagenians will appear to have been promulgated thirty-eight years before the second war commenced, thirty-one years before the third war broke out, and thirty-four years before the destruction of Carthage. The continual wars waged by Carthage during this interval against the Romans and Numidians, deprived it of any opportunity of avenging the affront of its rejected decree, and chastising the disobedience of its American subjects. Boturini concurs with this epoch; he was well acquainted with the figures, symbols, characters, songs, and manuscripts of the Indian authors, and in the Tultecan history he found that above a hundred years before Christ, they had observed in their ancient country Huehuetlapallan the excess of nearly six hours in the solar, over the civil year, which they regulated by adding an intercalary day to every fourth year. Clavigero speaking of the idol Quetzalcoatl (a name signifying a snake covered with feathers) the god of the air, says, the Mexicans believed this deity had been the chief priest of Tula, the capital of Tulteca, and that he was of a white complexion, tall, and corpulent, with a broad forehead, large eyes, long black hair, and a thick beard; a man of austere and exemplary life, clothed in long garments from a sense of modesty, of a most gentle and prudent disposition, which showed itself in the laws he enacted for the good of the people; added to which, he was very expert in the arts of melting metals, and of polishing precious stones, which he taught the Tultecas. Tescatlipoca, the god of providence, or more correctly speaking the providence of god, or god in our acceptation, being desirous of withdrawing Quetzalcoatl , from Tula, appeared to him under the form of an old man, stating it was the will of the gods that he should go to the kingdom of Tlapalla to obtain immortality; he then gave him a certain liquor to drink, which he had no sooner swallowed, than he felt so anxious a desire to repair thither, that he set out immediately, accompanied by many of his subjects. Passing by Cholula he was detained by the inhabitants, who conferred the government upon him, which he retained for twenty years; being still resolved upon continuing his journey to Tlapalla (which Clavigero supposes to be an imaginary place) and having proceeded as far as the province of Coatzacoalco, he despatched four noble youths who attended him, to acquaint the Cholultecas that he would afterwards return and render them happy. Doctor Liguenza believes this Quetzalcoatl was the apostle Saint Thomas, who preached the gospel to them, and he maintains this position with much learning in a work mentioned by Betaneourt, and doctor Eguiara in the Biblioteca Mexicana, among others, supports a similar opinion. This work was unfortunately lost through the negligence of his heirs; he therein drew a comparison between the name which Saint Thomas bore, viz. Didymus, signifying twin, and Quetzalcoatl, compounded of the words Quetzalli a precious stone, and Coatl twin, a precious twin. This agrees admirably well with the time fixed in the narrative of Boturini, which mentions a regulation of the calendar to have taken place at Huehuetlapallan, upwards of a hundred years before the kingdom of Amaguemecan was destroyed. If this epoch be adopted, it will be obvious that there was ample time for the kingdom of Tulteca to become well established after its foundation in the year eight reed, agreeing with one hundred and seventy-four years before Christ, so that it had already existed more than two hundred years before Saint Thomas announced the gospel to that people. The kingdom of Tlapallan was not an imaginary one as Clavigero supposed, and the route taken by Quetzalcoatl from Cholula to Coatzacalco, in the absence of all other proofs, is sufficient to show that it was not situated to the northward of Mexico, but to the southeast. Huehuetlapallan is a compound name of two words, Huehue, old, and Tlapallan, and it seems the Tultecas prefixed the adjective to distinguish it from three other places which they founded in the districts of their new kingdom, to perpetuate their attachment to their ancient country, and their grief at being expelled from the same; whence it arose that the place which formerly had the simple name of Tlapallan, was afterwards denominated Huehuetlapallan; at least so says Torquemada. Such, without doubt, was the name which anciently distinguished the Palencian city, and this supposition is strengthened by a report, quoted by Clavigero and other authors, that the Mexicans were driven from their city of Axtlan, as were the Acolhuans from Teoacoluacan; for these people lived in different cities, each governed by its own chief or cacique, although subject to the sovereign of Amaguemecan, and like him, driven from their domains. The origin of the Tulteca nation hitherto unknown, has now been proved; they were Chichimecas or Nagautlacas like the others, but so much exceeding them in stature, that there were some of gigantic size among them; they obtained the name of Tultecas from excelling in manufactures and arts, particularly that of working in gold and silver: Torquemada says, the word Tultecas means excellent artist; their language and method of reckoning time were similar to the Mexicans. Not less clearly has it been ascertained that the founder of the Tultecan empire was Achcanhtzin, eldest son of Hamacatzin last king of Amaguemecan, from whom his brother Xoloth, chief of the remainder of the Chichemecas, separated. But Achcauhtzin must have died during their eight years' wandering, for Torquemada affirms that Chalchuhtlanextzin, who was probably his son, was the first king of Tula known in history. The difficulties that have excited so much discussion among writers as to the origin of these nations, the place whence they came, and the time of their migration, are now surmounted, the incongruities which have operated as a barrier against ascertaining the beginning of their history are reconciled, and the anachronisms which they occasioned are exposed and rectified. Vol. I. No. 49 (Mar. 22, 1834)
ANTIQUITIES. After bestowing some consideration upon the meaning of the word Tzequil, and confiding in the knowledge of, the before-mentioned don Ramon Ordonez, I shall assert that Tzequil, in the Zendal language, means an upper petticoat, (Enagua, Basquina) and the same word means Nahuatlacas in the Mexican idiom; at the present time the natives of Chiapa call the Mexicans Tzequiles. Don Ramon affirms that the town of Tzequil, founded by these seven families of which Votan speaks, is the suburb called the Mexican, and joins the city of Ciudad Real (but for this I will not vouch;) and that they were named Tzequils or Nahuatlacas, not only from having introduced the use of petticoats, for the greater propriety and decency of the women, but also, from having tolerated the sect or superstition of Nagualism. Votan alludes to this when he says, the Tzequiles gave him the first notions of a God and of his worship. To conclude this discourse in the manner I propose, there still remains to investigate the origin of Huitzilopochtli, the tyrannical deity of the Mexicans, who is said to have destroyed so many hundred thousands of human victims during his empire over them, that they stood in need of arithmetical terms to enumerate them. For the better solution of this historical problem, I will transcribe the description of this personage literally from Clavigero, vol. 2, book 6. "Huitzilopochtli is a name composed of two words, Huitzilin, the beautiful bird we call Chupalflores, (the Humming bird,) and Opochtli, to the left; this name was given because the idol has feathers of the Humming bird placed on its left foot. Boturini, who understood but little of the Mexican idiom, derives this name from Huitziton, the chief of the Mexicans during their peregrination, and supposes the deity to represent this chief; this is a forced etymology, and the supposed identity is entirely unknown among the Mexicans, for they worshipped this god of war from time immemorial, before they commenced their wandering life under the guidance of Huitziton. Some say this divinity was a pure spirit, and others represent him as having been born of a woman, without a father, and relate the circumstance in this way. There lived, say they, at Contepec, a place not far distant from the ancient city of Tula, a woman called Coatlicue, mother of Centzonthuiznahui, and she devoted herself to the worship of the gods. One day, according to her custom, being employed in sweeping the temple, she saw a ball of different coloured feathers fall through the air to the ground; she took it up and put it in her bosom, intending to make use of the feathers to decorate the altar; but looking for them as soon as she had finished her employment, they were not to be found. This excited her surprise, and she was still more astonished on finding herself from that moment pregnant, and the circumstance in due time became visible to her sons, who, although they did not suspect their mother's virtue, yet feared such a birth might bring disgrace upon them, and determined to prevent it by parricide. This resolution was not taken with sufficient secrecy to prevent the mother's discovering it, who was bitterly afflicted at the thought of dying, by the hands of her own children, when she suddenly heard a voice speaking to her, which said, .Be not alarmed, my mother, for I will preserve your honour and my own. Her cruel sons, however, were urged on by their sister Cotolzauhi, who was much more eager to accomplish the design than they were ready to perpetrate their meditated atrocity. Huitzilopochtli was at length born with a shield on his left arm, a dart in his right hand, and a plume of green feathers on his head; his countenance was of a bright blue colour, and his left leg, his thighs, and his arms were covered with feathers. The first moment of his existence was signalized by causing a snake of pine wood to appear before him, and he commanded one of his soldiers, named Tochnacolgni, to kill Cotolzauhi with it, because she had been the most culpable, whilst he attacked her brothers with so much fury, that, in spite of their strength, their arms, and their entreaties, he killed them, pillaged their houses, and presented the spoils to his mother. This event threw the people into such consternation that they called him Tetzohuitl (terror,) Tetzauhteotl, (terrible god.) "This god having been protector of the Mexicans, led them, according to their own account, during many years of their wandering life, and at last settled them in the place where they built the great city of Mexico. On his head was a beautiful plumage, shaped like a bird; on his neck a collar composed of ten figures of human hearts; in his right hand a staff in the form of a serpent; and in his left a shield on which were five balls of feathers disposed in the form of a cross." This description of the manner and circumstances under which the Mexicans represented Huitzilopochtli; the human hearts round his neck; the signification of his compound name; the figure of the bird on his head; the feathers on his thighs and left leg, and the fable of his birth, being compared with the medal which represents the seven first families; the withered tree and the bird perched on the shrub springing from its root; with the figure of Votan having the three human hearts painted on the band which he holds in his hand, will readily point out that the extinct family designated by the withered tree is Votan's, that the mother [of] Huitzilopochtli is the widow of that first populator of America, and that Huitzilopochtli, the illegitimate issue of this hypocritical widow, undoubtedly wished, by adopting as his device the bird Huitzlin (humming bird,) to enroll himself among the family of Votan, although he had actually destroyed the last . members of it, and to take his illustrious appellations from the symbol of Votan (who had been his mother's husband,) that is, the hearts, rather than from the father who had begotten him, notwithstanding he was pretended to have been divine. Vol. I. No. 50 (Mar. 29, 1834)
ANTIQUITIES. This idol was found by father Benito Fernandez, a zealous Dominican Missionary of Mixteca, on the lofty-mountain of Achianhtla, where it was worshipped by the natives; he refused three thousand dollars which were offered to him by some Spaniards who saw it, thinking it would be more conducive to the spiritual welfare of his new converts, to reduce it to dust, which he accordingly performed with great pomp in presence of the people. See Clavigero, 2d vol. of his history. In speaking of the Tultecas, Clavigero says: that although they were idolaters, he did not know they offered human victims; but Torquemada relating the allegorical history of their destruction, says, an immense number of Tultecas being assembled to celebrate a festival to appease the anger of their gods when a famine and pestilence were raging in their country, after they had danced with a giant phantom that appeared among them, were next morning found dead and their hearts taken out; an evident proof of their having been sacrificed according to the rites of the country. I have now ascertained the origin, if not of all the Americans, at least of those who inhabited the countries bordering on the Gulf of Mexico and the adjacent islands; and I have cleared up such other points as I proposed to examine. From various accidents, since the introduction of the arts of navigation, it is probable that many other families besides those alluded to may have been conveyed to different parts of America and have formed settlements; the numerous dialects known in America, as well as their superstitious religion and rites of exotic origin, which they continued to practise and diffuse, will warrant such a supposition. At any rate, this present examination, and the traditions which have been regularly and generally preserved by all the nations, from one pole to the other, relative to the deluge, the confusion of languages, and the subsequent dispersion of the tribes are arguments sufficiently strong, if there were no others, to refute the impious doctrine of the Proeadamites as heretical, and without any foundation on fact. That most troublesome of all the difficulties hitherto started by authors respecting the passage of animals to America, particularly of the ferocious kinds at enmity with man, even retaining in full force the plausible reasons so ingeniously urged, if not entirely removed, is nearly surmounted by the discovery and examination of Anian or Behring's Straits' which are of no greater breadth than thirteen leagues from shore to shore, and where, by means of the ice, the two continents of Asia and America are connected; this would afford a practical route not only for animals but men from whom it is possible to suppose that those who inhabit the most northerly countries from the straits as far as Hudson's and Baffin's Bays, and from the Frozen Sea to California, New Mexico, and Canada to the southward, are descended. On this subject we may consult the third and fourth volumes of the English Captain James Cook's Voyages, and Don Antonio Herrera's Decades to Spanish and foreign authors, who have written concerning the nations that inhabit the regions from California to the other side of New Mexico. We may also take under consideration the accounts given of the latest discoveries of the Spaniards along the northern coasts of America in the Pacific Ocean; the languages, manners, customs, rites, and religion may be compared with those of the nations of Kamstchatka, Tshutski, Tungusi, Siberia, and adjacent territories. We may also examine the quadrupeds of both parts of the globe, at the same time bearing, in mind the singular hunting parties formed by the Asiatics, particularly by the Tartars of the vast empire of Genghis Khan, about the eleventh century of the Christian era, in which wild beasts of all descriptions were driven together in general confusion. If we take the trouble to enter upon such examination, the possibility will occur to our minds, that the tenants of the forests, flying from this annual persecution which was ordained by law, may have passed, or at least some of them, by the glacial isthmus to America, and spread themselves over it occupying those climates most propitious to their respective natures. As a corollary to this little work, I will offer my opinion upon the system adopted by the American nations in their computation of time, upon this proviso however, that when it shall appear my humble judgment is opposed to the opinions of many celebrated and estimable writers, in the progress of this discourse, it does not arise from a mere desire of contradiction but from the necessity of dissenting from their ideas on account of the more recent information which has been obtained, and from a wish to place truth on its proper basis, that history may shine forth with that lustre which time has obscured; which the destruction of some records, the indistinctness of others, and the difficulty of comprehending the few that remain, has not only dimmed but almost entirely obscured. All writers have been surprised at the ingenious method pursued by the Americans from a very remote period, without adopting the practices of any of the polished countries of the old continent, as for example in the division of the months into twenty days, the years into eighteen months, and the centuries into fifty-two years; the duplication of the century to form an age of one hundred and four years, and the prudent collocation of the intercalary days. Failing in all their efforts to trace an imitation, they have been obliged to confess that this singular system, so far from being inferior to, does actually excel that of the most polished nations in the world: but, being unwilling to yield to the ancient Americans so much talent and discretion as were requisite for its arrangement, they have had recourse to Egypt, the cradle of sciences, and to Asia whence the Tultecas, its reputed authors, are said to have derived their origin. The utmost, however, that they have been able to discover, is, that on the 26th of February the Mexican century begins, which was celebrated from the time of Nabonassor, seven hundred and forty-seven years before Christ, because the Egyptian priests, conformably to their astronomical observations had fixed the beginning of their month Toth, and the commencement of their year, at noon on that day; this was verified by the Meridian of Alexandria, which was erected three centuries after that epoch. Hence it has been contended there could exist no doubt of the conformity of the Mexican with the Egyptian calendar, for, although the latter assigned twelve months of thirty days each to the year, and added five days besides, in order that the circle of three hundred and sixty-five days should recommence from the same point; yet, notwithstanding the deviation from the Egyptian mode in the division of the months and days, they yet maintained that the Mexican method was conformable thereto, on account of the superadded five days; with this only difference, that upon these the Americans attended to no business, and therefore termed them Nemontemi or useless, whereas the Egyptians celebrated, during that epoch. the festival of the birth of their gods, as attested by Plutarch de Feide, and Osiride. Upon the other hand it is asserted, that though the Mexicans differed from the Egyptians by dividing their year into eighteen months, yet, as they called the month Mextli Moon, they must have formerly adopted the lunar month, agreeable to the Egyptian method of dividing the year into twelve months of thirty days; but to support this assertion, no attempt has been made to ascertain the cause why this method was laid aside. The analogy between the Mexican and the Egyptian calendars is thus assumed to be undeniable. Besides what has been here introduced, the same is attempted to be proved in many other works, which I pass over to avoid prolixity, and therefore only mention that they may be found in Boturini, in La Idea del Universo, by the Abbe Don Lorenza de Hervas, published in the Italian language, in Clavigero's dissertations, and in a letter addressed to him by Hervas; which he added to the end of his second volume. The reason, according to my humble judgment, which induced the Mexicans to deviate from the Egyptian practice, and form a distinct system for themselves, could be no other than this, viz as they had constituted themselves a separate people, and independent of the nations of the old continent, they determined to lay aside the Egyptian style which was in common use with the Carthagenians, (from whom, be it remembered, they were descended, and whose yoke they had shaken off,) and other nations of the old hemisphere, and by reserving the original basis, from which indeed it was no easy matter to depart, in order to form a new system, analogous both to their origin and to the wandering life of their forefathers, during the hundred and four years or domiciles, before they came to occupy the American soil. Having exhausted my small portion of talent in this little work, I am sensible there yet remain many and very serious difficulties to overcome; but, if the arguments I offer do not at present assume the force of evident demonstration, it will not be denied that they amount to probability, which approximates thereto, and I may, at least, take credit to myself for having discovered a route by which we may ultimately arrive at the truth; in my opinion it is the only one. and, if not entirely new, is, at any rate, but little trodden by other writers. A search after monuments which doubtless still remain in the Palencian city, in Mayapan or Ocozingo, and many other places in the province of Yucatan, and that of Chichen Ytza or Peten, which adjoins, as well as at various other places in the kingdom of Guatemala, will some time hence add to it that degree of certainty required at present, and repair the loss (which can never be sufficiently lamented) of the valuable histories of the American nation; a loss, as I have before mentioned, caused by an inconsiderate zeal that has not been less injurious to the republic of letters than prejudicial to the interests of true religion. |
"The Ruins of Palenque" Western Messenger Volume VI No. 4 Louisville: Feb. 1839 |
241
There are no doubt many, in this utilitarian age, who regard the time employed in antiquarian research as utterly
utterly misspent, because it does not produce such practical results as to put money in the purse. It is true that the
researches of antiquarians into the past history of nations do not increase a man's wealth, and give him that influence
and importance in society which wealth almost invariably commands, but, if it does not increase his worldly goods, the
amount of his knowledge is increased by such researches and enquiries, and his capacity for usefulness is, therefore,
enlarged. The study and investigation of the antiquities of a people, while they gratify curiosity, are interesting
and important to the philosopher and historian, by enabling them to ascertain the true character of such people, and
trace the history and progress of civilization, as exhibited in their cicil institutions, and in their moral and
social condition.
Note: Parts of the above article were evidently taken from a late 1838 issue of the British Gazette. See Niles' Weekly Register (1839, p. 270) as well as the Church of England Magazine of Oct. 19, 1839 for similar reprints. |
"Antiquités Mexicaines" North American Review Volume LI No. 109 Boston: Oct. 1840 |
[396-97]
ART. VII. -- Antiquités Mexicaines. Relation des Trois Expéditions du Capitaine Dupaix, ordonnées en 1805, 1806, 1807, pour la Recherche des Antiquités du Pays, notamment celles de Mitla et de Palenque; accompagnée des Dessins de CASTANEDA, Membre des Trois Expéditions, et Dessinateur du Musée de Mexico, et d'une Carte du Pays exploré: suivie d'une Paralléle de ces Monuments avec ceux de l'Egypte, de l'Indostan, et du Reste de l'Ancien Monde, par M. ALEXANDRE LENOIR, Créateur du Musée des Monuments Francois, Membre de la Societé Royale des Antiquaires de France, de celle de Londres, &c.; d'une Dissertation sur l'Origine de l'Ancienne Population des deux Amériques, et sur les diverses Antiquites de ce Continent, par M. WARDEN, Ancien Consul-Général des Etats-Unis, Correspondant de l'Institut de France, Membre de la Société Royale des Antiquaires de France, et de plusieurs autres Sociétés Savantes: avec un Discours Préliminaire, par M. CHARLES FARCY, de la Société Royale des Antiquaires de France, et de la Société libre des Beaux-Arts de Paris; et des Notes Explicatives, et autres Documents, par M. BARADERE DE ST. PRIEST et plusieurs autres Voyageurs, qui ont parcouru l'Amérique. A Paris. fol. [420-21] ...The ancient kingdom of Guatemala, now composing part of the federation, if federation it may be called, of Central America, the Peninsula of Yucatan, forming part of Mexico, the British settlements of Honduras, and the district occupied by the independent tribes, and known as the Muskito coast, divide among them this extensive region. There is much confusion in its political geography; and the province of Chiapa, the principal seat of the ancient ruins, which formerly made part of Guatemala, was some years since seized by Mexico, and afterwards divided between that country, and her sister republic of Central America. The prominent features of the natural geography of this part of the continent are all that are known to us. The details are yet to be filled up. The maps are defective, and the course of the mountains and rivers, as well as the positions of many of the important places, are either not traced, or very erroneously represented. The map of the interior of the peninsula is almost a tabula rasa. The principal ruins, or those best known to us, have been found near Palenque, a small city in the State of Chiapa, situated upon the confines of Guatemala and Yucatan, and watered by a little river, one of the tributaries of the Tulya, which discharges itself into the bay of Campeachy. About fifteen miles from this modern town, at the foot of a mountainous ridge, but in an elevated position, is a small plain, having a fertile soil and delightful climate, and at its centre an artificial mound, upon which the principal structures are erected. Colonel Galindo, commandant of the district of Peten, which embraces this site, in his communications to the Geographical Society of Paris, describes in glowing terms the salubrity and beauty of this position, and its geographical advantages with relation to the central regions of America. He conjectures it was the great metropolis of the people, who have left no memorial of their existence but these ruins; and, carried away by an enthusiasm pardonable in an inhabitant of that secluded country, he exclaims, that the founder of this lost city deserves a place in history, with Alexander, Constantine, and Peter the Great. The state of isolation in which even now these monuments remain, may be judged by a fact stated by Colonel Galindo, that there were but two hunters who knew any thing of them, and that from superstition, or some other cause, they were indisposed to conduct any one to visit them.... [422-23] ...It is almost a century since the existence of imposing ruins, furnishing evidence of a high state of civilization at a remote period in the central regions of the new world, became known to the enlightened men of Spanish America. Their reports were at first vague and contradictory, derived from ignorant hunters, who were led by the pursuit of game into the vicinity of these remains. The whole country was very thinly peopled, and, to this day, its true topographical features, as we have stated, are little known. We owe the first correct knowledge of this class of works to Antonio del Rio, a Spanish Captain, who, in consequence of orders from the Court of Spain, was sent in 1787, by the Viceroy of Mexico, to examine the ruins of Palenque. An English edition of his report was published in 1822. In 1806-7, another Spanish officer, Dupaix, was despatched upon a similar mission. But the government of Spain had become sensible to the interest attached to these investigations, and the expedition of Dupaix was better provided and organized, than that of his predecessor. He was ordered to examine not only Palenque, which was supposed to be the site of an Egyptian colony, and Mitla, supposed to be a Grecian one, but also the whole region, and to endeavour to discover and describe any other actual remains it might contain. He made three excursions, and the result of his researches is described in a work entitled, "Narrative of Three Expeditions of Captain Dupaix; ordered in 1805, 1806, 1807, for the Examination of the Ruins of the Country, particularly those of Mitla and of Palenque." M. de Humboldt did not explore the country where these monuments exist, but he found at Mexico an able artist, Don Luis Martin, who had visited Mitla, and who had taken drawings of its ruins. Copies of two of these drawings accompany the "Views of the Cordilleras," &c. of M. de Humboldt. The learned author speaks also of the architectural remains, at a place, called Palenque, where he had been told there were ruins, "which prove the taste of the people of the Toltec and Aztec race for the ornaments of architecture." He adds nothing to the stock of our knowledge upon this subject, and considers these works as Mexican remains, not going back further than the thirteenth or fourteenth century. It is to be regretted, that this distinguished traveller did not extend his researches into this region; the most interesting to the archaeologist, which the whole continent presents. The field would have been a fruitful one for his erudition, and his powers of combination could not have failed to present striking and unexpected results. In 1825, the Geographical Society of Paris published a programme, containing the various subjects of inquiry connected with American antiquities, which they deemed important; and they offered the prize of a gold medal to the competitor who should present the most interesting descriptions of these ruins, before the 1st of January, 1836. When this period arrived, it was found, that several travellers had recently explored these archaeological oases of Central America, with opportunities more or less favorable to the solution of the difficult problem, which they offer to the learned world. Among these were M. Correy, Don Juan de Galindo, and Mr. Waldeck. M. Correy, who is a French physician, naturalized at Tabasco, near Palenque, commenced his researches with the antiquities of this place, in 1819, and continued them at different intervals for many years. In 1826 he communicated, to a journal of Vera Cruz, a comprehensive notice of his labors; and between 1827 and 1832, he addressed ten letters to a member of the Committee of the Geographical Society of Paris, in which he described the ruins of what he calls the ancient Southern Palmyra. [423-24] Don Juan de Galindo explored these monuments, and those in other parts of Central America, in 1831, and his observations, with a map of the country, and designs of the architectural ruins, have been published. Mr. Waldeck, an e1eve of the celebrated painter David, repaired to Central America in 1832, for the purpose of studying these ruins, and of describing and drawing them. He remained in the country four years, and seems to have prosecuted his enterprise with zeal, though assailed by several adverse circumstances. He returned to Europe, with a rich treasure of American antiquities, which we have examined with interest; and published a volume, containing the result of his researches in the peninsula of Yucatan. It is the only part of his travels, which he has sent to the press. It is a folio volume with a map, and contains many plates exhibiting plans, views, costumes, and other details. His researches at Palenque will form another volume hereafter to be published. Engraved drawings of many of these ruins have also been published by a German artist, Mr. Nebel, and by Mr. Franck, from plans and observations taken by them upon the spot. The great work of Lord Kingsborough contains, among other interesting information, an account of the travels of Dupaix, together with the numerous and elaborate drawings prepared by the author. The work entitled "Antiquites Mexicaines," of which the title is placed at the head of our article, contains also a relation of the three expeditions of Dupaix; a translation into French, from the English edition, of the travels of Del Rio a brief notice of the monument of Xochicalco, written by Father Marquez, from the relation of Antonio Alzate, in 1791; the narrative of M. Galindo, and some remarks of M. de Humboldt, and of M. de Zavala, the Mexican minister at Paris. The last treats of ruins at Uchmal in Yucatan. This magnificent work is enriched with the drawings of Dupaix, as well as with many other engravings collected from various quarters, and executed in the best style of art... [425-26] ...In the mean time, our countryman, Mr. Stephens, so favorably known by his travels in the East, has repaired to Central America in a diplomatic capacity, and is understood to have visited and examined the most remarkable of these ruins, accompanied by an artist to take the necessary drawings. We await with impatience the publication of his narrative. We regret that the time limited for the presentation of competitors in the lists opened by the Geographical Society of Paris has expired, and that the American traveller is precluded from contending for the prize. It would be vain to attempt, within the compass of a review, to give an adequate amount of these works, or even to describe all their peculiar characteristics, as far as these have been ascertained. We must content ourselves with compiling from the French collection a succinct notice of the monuments of Palenque, which will serve as a type of these remarkable structures, scattered over an extensive region of country, heretofore covered and concealed by primitive forests, and now bursting, as it were, the tomb of ages, and continually revealing themselves to the traveller, as he penetrates further and further into the regions of their former glory and of their present decay. Upon an eminence, towards the middle of the site of the city, rises a mass of buildings, of a pyramidal form, with a base presenting a parallelogram, consisting of three different structures, receding in succession, and rising upon each other. This base has a circuit of one thousand and eighty feet, and an elevation of sixty feet (French). It is built of stone, laid in a mortar of lime and sand. In the middle of the front, which faces the east, there is a large stone staircase, which conducts to the principal entry of the temple. This edifice is two hundred and forty feet long by one hundred and forty-five wide, and thirty-six feet high, which, added to the height of the base, gives a total elevation of ninety-six feet. The walls are four feet thick, and constructed of stones of large dimensions. The doorways are unequal in their size. Nothing indicates that they were ever closed, and the same observation applies to all the other buildings. The windows are of various forms, and generally very small. The arches are twenty feet high, and form a truncated angle at the top, terminated by large stones placed transversely. The roofs are of flag-stones, well joined and very thick, and, Dupaix says, bomb proof. The whole edifice is covered, externally and internally, with a stucco containing oxyde of iron; it is crowned by a large frieze, set in two double cornices, of a square form. Between the doors, and upon all the pillars, forming a corridor around the edifice, are encrusted eighty bas-reliefs in stucco, representing personages seven feet high; and hieroglyphics, whose careful execution announces that the plastic art had made great progress among the builders of these works. Their exterior view offers a magnificence to which the interior corresponds. Immense halls, ornamented with bas-reliefs in granite, in which the figures are twelve feet high, sculptured hieroglyphics, courts, subterraneous passages, ornamented also with sculptures, a round tower, with four stages, whose staircase is supported by a vault, -- such is a sketch of the principal characteristics, which this temple offers; a temple heretofore served by numerous priests and crowded with worshippers, but now covered with briers, where the aloe, with its long stalk, is intermixed with creeping vines, and where nothing but birds of prey, its only inhabitants, breaks the silence of ages which rests upon it. Other structures in the same state of ruin, and partaking of the same character of former solidity and splendor, are found upon the same plateau. The whole number of ruins, hitherto discovered, is eighteen. [426-27] Mr. Waldeck has favored us with a memorandum of his researches in this part of America, and of the general results of his observations. We are also indebted to him for information respecting the aboriginal tribes yet remaining in the vicinity of these structures. To the southeast of Palenque, are the Itsacs, to whom he ascribes a different origin from that of the Mexicans. He traces them to the Mayons, whose language is yet the prevalent tongue, spoken in the peninsula of Yucatan. It is also widely spread in Chiapa and Tabasco. What he calls the Mayon architecture, is the style of building which marks the monuments of Yucatan, and which exhibits much affinity with that of Palenque. It is, however, superior in the execution. The work is altogether in wrought stone, and is finished with great elegance and precision. He considers many of the parts as well executed as the Roman sculptures of the lower empire, and particularly in what he calls the Lantern of the Temple of Death. Mr. Waldeck states, that his attention had been directed to this interesting region by an incident, which, in 1820, placed in his possession a manuscript series of drawings, illustrating the travels of Del Rio; which he published, in 1822, at London. He supposes this volume first conveyed to the world adequate conceptions of these monuments. In 1824, he was appointed mechanical engineer to the mines of Italpuxahuo, in Mexico. Being then led to that country by official engagements, and these having been eventually dissolved by the failure of the speculation, he turned his inquiries towards the ancient monuments, whose existence and description had before interested him. After making himself acquainted with the Mexican antiquities, and with the original languages, he felt confidence in his power to survey the sites of these interesting ruins, to take designs of their plans and elevations, and to describe their general architectural style and features. Being destitute, however, of the means necessary to carry his adventurous plan into effect, he succeeded in the establishment of a company, who agreed to provide the funds; and, trusting to their engagements, he commenced his expedition with a feeble outfit. Political difficulties in Mexico, and other causes, prevented the ulterior arrangements from being carried into effect, and he was eventually circumscribed in his means of operation, and reduced almost to want. As long as his funds supplied him with the power, he employed parties of Indians to clear out the ruins, and to execute diggings in and around them. By a fortunate circumstance he was enabled to continue his operations after the failure of the company, in consequence of a private loan procured at Tabasco. [427-28] He reached the theatre of his labors the 12th of May, 1832, and remained two years, exposed to great hardships and privations, in the execution of his self-imposed task. He expresses himself with the enthusiasm of an artist, and says, it would be in vain, were he to attempt to describe the astonishment, with which the first aspect of these solitary and imposing monuments overpowered him. The flat roofs of the palace were overgrown with enormous trees. These he cut down in the course of his operations. He found one on the top of the eastern gallery, which measured nine feet three inches in diameter. By counting the concentric layers, which botanists suppose mark the annual growth of trees, he found they were one thousand six hundred and nine, and he deduces from this fact the length of the period, which must have elapsed since the edifice was abandoned to the domain of the forest. This estimate was fortified, in his opinion, by a series of observations, which, during eighteen months, he made upon the stalactites and stalagmites, whose number and size are increased by new depositions; and by a comparison of these with the larger incrustations of this description, which had been previously formed. For ourselves, we have not much faith in results thus obtained. The botanic test may be sufficiently accurate for a few years, and while the tree is comparatively young. But in an advanced age, when the concentric circles run together, we believe the process altogether fallacious. And we have still less confidence in the chronological evidence, furnished by the successive deposits of the matter of infiltration, which calcareous solutions leave behind them. All such inductions are but speculations more or less rash, to which their novelty may give a kind of temporary vogue, but which are soon dismissed to that forgetfulness which is their just receptacle.... [428-29] Mr. Waldeck supposes he has traced hieroglyphical characters upon the ornaments of this edifice, similar in their principle to the Egyptian system; but accompanied with sculptures indicating a higher state of the art. He flatters himself also, that he has succeeded in deciphering the meaning of some of these inscriptions and representations, and in ascertaining a succession of eleven Queens, belonging to the sacerdotal caste; and in developing some of the religious mysteries which connect their mythology with the eastern Asiatic nations. But these are transcendental speculations, and, in the absence of all proof, not within the province of cautious criticism. We know how much there is in these investigations to excite the imagination, and to lead captive the judgment; and we can appreciate the effect which such architectural wonders must produce upon cultivated minds in the tropical regions of America, covered and surrounded by rich and primitive forests, while every other record of the existence of the people who erected them has long since passed away. But, independently of these moral considerations, which dictate a measure of wholesome skepticism, we have examined with attention some of the bas-reliefs in plaster, brought from the temple at Palenque, and which are now in the Royal Museum at Paris. The impression they produced was far more feeble than we had anticipated from the drawings and inscriptions. Certainly they are remarkable works when contrasted with the circumstances of their position. But they appear to us far inferior to the specimens of Egyptian architecture, with which Mr. Waldeck has compared them, and still further below the products of European art. The great error of the professional artists, in such cases, is to sacrifice fidelity to effect, and it is rare indeed that their efforts present the object in the nakedness of truth. Almost every view derives a part of its beauty from the style of execution, as every one may satisfy himself who compares the pictorial copy with the original subject. We have sought in vain for any decided indications of written characters upon these medallions. But M. Jomard, the director of the Royal Library, who was kind enough to accompany us, thought he discovered the outline of artificial characters corresponding with the deductions of Mr. Waldeck. The opinion of M. Jomard will have much more weight with our readers than our own. His literary reputation is established throughout Europe, and his learned labors, as one of the corps of savans, who accompanied the French army to Egypt, have turned his attention particularly to the difficult subject of hieroglyphical representations. [429-30] It has been impressively asked, what people could have reared such architectural wonders, at a period so remote, that, at the time of the conquest, the Mexicans, of whose antiquity we have heard so much, had lost all tradition of this city of Palenque, formerly so flourishing, and whose existence was not even suspected by Europeans or Americans during a period of almost three centuries. In the speculations to which these discoveries have led, architectural analogies have been proclaimed between these monuments and those of ancient Egypt, assigning equal duration to both. And as the American structures are in a more advanced stage of decay than the Egyptian, a higher antiquity has been claimed for them. But these are rash conjectures, wanting all the facts necessary to a rational determination of a question surrounded with great difficulties, and probably destined never to be solved with any precision. No connexion has been discovered between the Egyptian hieroglyphics and those sculptured upon these edifices. Nor has any relation been traced between these and the Mexican figures. It is also worthy of remark, that, while the temples of Mexico, if indeed that term is applicable to their places of worship, were mere truncated cones of earth, sometimes covered with stone, the religious edifices erected at Palenque were enclosed structures, planned and executed upon just principles of architecture... [431-33] In seeking the object of these edifices, M. Dupaix supposes they were designed as places of sepulchre; but the indications are so doubtful, that we shall not follow him in his speculations upon the subject. These revelations of ancient art, in the thick forests of America, where all else was so new and so rude, have provoked a crowd of conjectures, and revived all the dark questions concerning the early communications between the eastern and the western continents, which have been so often discussed. Dupaix indulges in many of the old reveries, but his speculations are not sufficiently interesting to merit the notice of our readers. It is obvious that these investigations are premature, and can lead to no useful result. Before we find indications, we must seek facts. And all the knowledge we yet possess of these monuments is insufficient to guide us in exploring the mystery in which they have been shrouded by the darkness of centuries. At the meeting of the Geographical Society of Paris, in January, 1836, M. Farcy, one of the editors of the "Antiquites Mexicaines," thus announced the conclusions to which he had been led. We present faithfully his views, as we find them recorded. We do not profess to understand them fully, and still less to concur in much that we do understand. The author evidently belongs to the school of the exaltés, a class of historians whose imaginations supply many of the facts, and almost all the conclusions. "I compress what I have said into the following observations.
It is remarked in the reports submitted to the Geographical Society in 1834, and prepared by M. Jomard,
that all these edifices, heretofore concealed in Central America, have a common character in their style
and execution, marking them as the productions of the same people, and that they differ from any other
monuments found upon this continent. He describes the temple of Copan as of great extent, being six
hundred and fifty-three feet by five hundred and twenty-four. In the sepulchral chambers are vases of red
earth, varnished, containing human bones mixed with lime. Here are found figures of gigantic crocodiles,
and a bust, indicating a statue of fifteen or twenty feet high. The figures in bas-relief have sandals with
straps, and clothing of network. There are everywhere tables and stone altars, framed pictures, symbols,
and signs, symmetrically arranged, and sculptured and painted. The quarry which supplied the materials
for the temple of Copan is more than a mile from this edifice, and the process by which the large stones
were conveyed to their destination is not among the least singular of the many difficulties which the
subject presents.
|
Charles B. Thompson Evidences in Proof of the Book of Mormon Batavia, NY: 1841 |
[ 48 ]
[ 49 ] nor bars, which dwell alone." But where did such a nation exist? We are informed that it was afar off. Now such a nation could not have existed upon the eastern continent, at that time, for Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon, had then pushed his conquests to all parts of the land -- and all the wealth of the nations he had plundered and brought to Babylon, to make the place of his throne more glorious. Therefore if a wealthy nation had existed any where in the reach of the Chaldean armies, they could not have dwelt without care, having neither bars nor gates. Neither could they have dwelt alone; for other nations being round about them, and knowing of their wealth, would not have permitted them to have dwelt alone. Therefore a nation of this description could not have existed upon that land at that time, nor anywhere within the knowledge of the people of that continent. -- Hence when He commanded them to get up to such a nation, He commanded them to get far off, even beyond the sea; to a land unknown to the people of that continent -- but inhabited by a wealthy nation, which God promises to destroy by bringing their calamity from all sides thereof, so that their cattle should be a spoil, &c. Now that such nation has once existed upon the land of America [ 50 ] and been utterly destroyed, is evident from the history of the antiquities of the country. An extract from which I will now subjoin. Ruins of the city of Otolom, discovered in central America, extracted from American antiquities by Josiah Priest, page 241: The ruins of this city were surveyed by Capt. Del Rio in 1787, an account of which was published in English in 1822. -- This account gives partly the description of the ruins of a stone city of no less dimensions than seventy-five miles in circuit -- length 32 miles -- breadth 12 miles -- and full of palaces, monuments, statues, and inscriptions; one of the earliest seats of American civilization, about equal to Thebes of ancient Egypt. At Bolivar in the same country, is another mass of ancient ruins and mine of historical knowledge. It appears that this people in cutting roads through the Cordillera mountains, found gold, silver, copper, and lead mines, which were opened and worked to a great extent; all of which is evidence of their knowledge of architecture, mineralogy, and agriculture. It further adds, in many places of that country, are found the ruins of whole aqueducts, some of which says Dr. Morse, the geographer, would have been thought works of difficulty in civilized nations.... |
[ 249 ]
[ 250 ] way; and the journey was made on horse-back through a dense forest, in which the lemon tree was very abundant. At Ocosingo, there are five spacious terraces, and a pyramidal structure, 50 feet in front, and 35 feet deep, with door ways ten feet wide. Over these door ways are stucco ornaments, which reminded the travellers of the winged globe found over Egyptian portals. These doors led to an ante-chamber, and opposite to them was another door, which was blocked up with rubbish, in which was a large quantity of wood, as hard as lignum vitae. This door way excited much interest. The Indians believed that beyond it was a cavern which, if an entrance would be effected, would lead the travellers to Palenque in three hours -- a distance otherwise of 150 miles. The travellers vigorously engaged in the enterprise, and gained access through the door-way, but they found it was merely an entrance to an apartment ten feet square, ornamented with stucco and painted figures. The place, however, was so hot, and close, and offensive, that they could not long remain to examine its structure; but they remained long enough to ascertain that at the bottom was a bituminous substance, like the bitumen used by the Egyptians to embalm the bodies of their dead. [ 251 ] The great object of their research was Palenque, which is situated in the province of Chiapas, and is distant about a hundred miles from the Atlantic coast; it stands on the bank of a small river, and near a range of lofty hills. The ruins which the travellers here visited, consisted of a group of six buildings, or edifices, and an aqueduct. -- The palace stands on a pyramidal base, 300 feet in front, 200 in breadth, and 60 feet high. The building of the palace itself, properly so called, is 228 feet in breadth, facing towards, the east, The front is divided into fourteen door-ways, with fifteen on the eastern front, each pier being ornamented with one or more figures in stucco, beautifully sculptured and painted. A double corridor, nine feet wide, and twenty feet high, extends all round this building, and altogether, in admeasurement, it is 800 feet. The roofs are a sort of arch, which come nearly to a point, and are constructed of stones which overlap each other, the summit being covered with stones that are large and flat. They are built on the same principle as the Cyclopean structures, which are met with in Greece and Italy. Passing into the structure, of which a ground plan was exhibited, there is found a court yard, 80 feet by 70, with descending [ 252 ] steps, 30 feet wide, which are flanked by nine colossal figures in stone, each thirteen feet high and in good preservation. Opposite to them are similar figures; all the piers of this court were ornamented with painted stucco figures (of admirable consistency and nearly as hard as stone,) some consisting of groups, and some of single figures only. Of these sculptured piers there are many still remaining, the figures of which are surrounded by richly ornamented borders; they are about ten feet high, and six feet wide. The second court is then seen, and like the principal court, is encumbered with trees, large stones, and rubbish. This court yard is eighty feet by thirty, and is ornamented with stone figures and hieroglyphics. On the western side of the edifice several of the piers are in good preservation, with stucco ornaments. A tower is found in the interior of this structure 30 feet square and about 40 feet high, the two upper stories of which have fallen down; it has a smaller tower, however, inside, which may be ascended by a stone staircase. Near to this is a long narrow chamber, 70 feet in length, on one side of which is a richly sculptured tablet, surrounded with stuccoed verdure. Passing from this, by a flight of descending stairs, [ 253 ] the travellers came to three corridors, each 180 feet long. They extend the whole breadth of the building, and are very gloomy, requiring torch lights in their examination. These corridors are not ornamented, but they contain several stone tables or beds about six or seven feet in length which were supposed to have been used as grateful and cool couches, when the inhabitants retired in the heat of the day. The palace also contained a small private chapel or altar, which had probably only been used by the inmates of the Royal Family. The other rooms, which were numerous, generally displayed the remains of rich ornaments of Stucco, painted, the paintings in some instances being discovered to be five different subjects painted over each other. Besides the Palace there were other structures, which are called "stone houses," and which the travellers supposed to be temples. The first was situated on a pyramidal base of 110 feet on a slope, and the whole were covered with forest trees of a large size. -- This "stone house" was described with doors and six piers, and as measuring 76 feet in front, which is ornamented with hieroglyphics and stucco figures, representing a female holding a child in her arms. This house is situated 300 or 400 feet southwest of [ 254 ] the palace, and so densely surrounded by forest trees, that it is not discernible even a few feet distant, and without the aid of a guide the ruins would not be discovered, though lying at the travellers' feet. In the interior are found massive stone tablets, thirteen feet long, each tablet having 240 squares of hieroglyphics. Of the uses of this building no satisfactory conclusion can be arrived at; while the travellers supposed it to be a temple, and the Indians called it the school, some Spanish priest has described it as a place of justice, and the tables of hieroglyphics as the tables of the law; and not the least interesting feature, in connection with these tablets, is, that the same hieroglyphics are used there, as were used at other distant places. There are three other stone houses, very much of the same description, but instead of tablets of hieroglyphics, they contain tablets of sculptured figures. In one of these there is an altar, which bears a large stone tablet, representing two singular personages opposite to each other, making offerings to an object, represented on the tablet as supported by two figures with rows of hieroglyphics on each side. The two figures standing one on each side of this tablet, have the peculiar facial angle before described, with noses and eyes strongly [ 255 ] marked, representing a race of people totally different from any now seen on this continent. The head dress of one is coarse and complicated, consisting of leaves and plants, interspersed with the beaks and eyes of birds, and also a tortoise. A leopard's skin is thrown over the shoulders, and the figure is represented with sandals and with ruffles round the wrists and ankles. The other figure has a head dress composed of a plume of feathers, in the midst of which a bird may be distinguished, and beneath, certain hieroglyphics which, unfortunately cannot at present be read. It remained now only to describe the Aqueduct. This structure was by the side of the great palace: it was 200 feet in length, as far as could be explored, 12 feet high, and 6 feet wide; with a large body of water passing through it still. There were several other small buildings, which do not cover a large extent of ground. No other were heard of by these travellers in that neighborhood, but so dense is the forest that it is impossible to penetrate many yards in any direction, for these ruins are literally imbedded in a forest of mahogany, and ceiba, and India rubber tree, with a great variety of other descriptions, no human inhabitant remaining to relieve the solitude.... |
"American Antiquities" Times & Seasons Volume II No. 16 Nauvoo: June 15, 1841 Volume III No. 22 Nauvoo: Sept. 15, 1842 |
Vol. II. CITY OF NAUVOO, ILL. June 15, 1841. No. 16. [ 440 ] |
Robert Wauchope Lost Tribes & Sunken Continents Chicago: 1962 © 1962 Univ. of Chicago all rights reserved. Pages copied are limited to "fair use" excerpts. |
50
The Lost Tribes of Israel! Who can fail to be intrigued by these words, which have a familiar
ring even though we may have only the vaguest comprehension of the theory. Perhaps we remember
hazily that the Israelites were conquered by an enemy king somewhere back in Old Testament times and
that some of them were said to be "lost" -- wandered or were carried away to disappear from history. The
theory that the Lost Tribes found their way to America and were responsible for a number of the ancient
Indian civilizations here has claimed many a devotee, including one renowned scholar who gave his
fortune and then his life to this magnificent obsession.
LOST TRIBES AND THE MORMONS -- 51
search of some more rewarding outlet for his intellectual interests and his considerable wealth. Armed
with a note of introduction which gave him access to the rarest items of the priceless collections, he
stopped for a moment in front of a dusty case containing an ancient Mexican Indian manuscript, painted
by the natives with vegetable and mineral pigments on stiff, white-plastered deerskin. Its bold colors were
still clear after at least three hundred years, and the strange art style and grotesque depictions so foreign to
Western European culture immediately caught his eye. Fascinated, King bent low over this ancient codex,
lost to surroundings and oblivious to the passing time. Quite literally his discovery was to lead to his
untimely death.
52 -- LOST TRIBES AND THE MORMONS
nine imperial folio volumes reproducing Mexican codices
and commenting on Mexican antiquities, a collector's item today, but a luxury that put him, four years after the first
of them appeared, in arrears with a paper manufacturer in the amount £508 10s. 6d.
LOST TRIBES AND THE MORMONS -- 53
though we may smile at his credulity, and regret that such strong zeal was so strangely misplaced, yet we
should speak and think with respect of one who spent his lifetime and his fortune, if not his reason, in an
honest endeavor to cast light upon one of the most obscure spots in the history of man."
1 Bartolome de las Casas, the Spanish priest who so stoutly championed Indian rights in an era when exploitation of the natives was accepted procedure, was said by Father Torquemada to have been the first to suggest the theory over four hundred years ago, but as Edward John Payne of University College pointed out in 1899, the evidence that Torquemada offered in defense of this supposition actually argued against it. According to a great authority on Hebrew history, Allen H. Godbey, one of the earliest Lost Tribes backers was another Spaniard of the early sixteenth century, Francisco Lopez de Gomara, as were a French Calvinist, De Lecy, Genebrard, and Andrew Thevel of roughly the same period. J. Imbelloni adds to these the name of Diego Gonzalo Fernindez Oviedo (1535). Dr. Godbey mentions Father Duran, whose famous Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espana appeared in 1585. Gregorio Garcia also wrote about this hypothesis in the latter part of the century. Among the host of Lost Tribes advocates who came along in succeeding generations were Roger Williams, John Eliot, William Penn, Samuel Sewall, and Increase and Cotton Mather.
54 -- LOST TRIBES AND THE MORMONS
Other early writers preached that to discover the long-lost tribes, after more than two thousand years still
under the special protection of Almighty God though despised by all mankind, would "lead all men to the
acknowledgment, that the God of Israel, is a God of truth and righteousness, and that whom he loves, he
loves unto the end." Since anthropology as a science was non-existent in those days, the missionaries,
historians, and other travelers exploring the rapidly expanding known world were constantly amazed at
similarities they found in ways of life between hitherto unknown tribes and those already familiar to them
through biblical stories. Today you can go to the Human Relations Area Files at any one of many
universities, ask for an inventory of all the peoples of the world who practice some particular custom --
preferred cousin marriage, say -- and in a relatively short time you can have all the known examples,
together with the detailed data and history of each. Early writers, though, unaware of how similar customs
can develop independently of each other, were usually inclined to attribute them to historical connections.
LOST TRIBES AND THE MORMONS -- 55
To gods, lunar and ritual calendars, legends of destroying giants, flood myths, feasts, exorcisms,
purification rites, fasting and food taboos, confession, pilgrimages, endogamy and other marriage
restrictions, and above all, circumcision and the veneration of a tribal Ark.
56 -- LOST TRIBES AND THE MORMONS
Leveque in 1836 recognized the pitfalls in Lost Tribes reason ing: "If Julius Caesar had been a lover of the Jews," he wrote, "or if he felt, in any way, interested in their affairs he could equally well have discovered the lost tribes of Israel among the ancient Gauls and Britains in his Bellum Gallicum." John MacKintosh, who translated Leveque's work, attacked the Lost Tribes theory most vigorously in his own book the same year, warning that superficial resemblance between the sounds of Hebrew words and those of various Indian languages was not enough on which to propose historical connection; "the judgments of those who endeavoured to make researches this way, were so much perverted that resemblances were imagined which had no existence in reality." In 1853, Mariano Edward Rivero and John James von Tschudi, writing on Peruvian antiquities, devoted several pages to evidence then thought to favor the Israelite theory, but concluded that the hypothesis rests on no solid foundation." By mid-nineteenth century another line of argument was being applied against the Lost Tribes idea of Indian origins. James Kennedy, Esq., LL.B., writing on the Probable Origin of the American Indians, with Particular Reference to That of the Caribs, observed that the ten tribes were never lost at all. In 1872 John D. Baldwin declared that there was not anywhere a fact, a suggestion, or a circumstance of any kind to show that the ten tribes ever left southwest Asia, where they dwelt after the destruction of their kingdom. "They were 'lost' to the Jewish nation because they rebelled, apostatised, and, after their subjugation by the Assyrians in 721 B.C., were to a great extent absorbed by other peoples in that part of Asia. Some of them were probably still in Palestine when Christ appeared. This wild notion, called a theory, scarcely deserves so much attention." This point of view is held today by leading Hebrew scholars; in his definitive book, The Lost Tribes a Myth, Dr. A. H. Godbey, professor of Old Testament at Duke University, complained that the fancy is still expounded from the pulpit by men supposed to be scholars, who "hold up the political
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disappearance of the 'lost tribes' as an awful illustration of the punishment of individual sinfulness; as
though becoming an American were the penalty for being a sinful Englishman."
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face and serene poise of these carved or painted likenesses," he wrote in 1926, "is strikingly Hebraic."
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latter, a nomadic non-agricultural people who continued in a "degenerate condition," are now represented
by the Indian tribes with which we in North America are more familiar.
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Stuart Ferguson, present their additional reasons for supporting this belief, citing parallels between the descriptions of Quetzalcoatl in an early Mexican document and those in The Book of Mormon. They also call attention to Revelations 22:161 "I, Jesus, have sent mine angel to testify unto you these things in the churches. I am the root and offspring of David, and the bright and morning star." Quetzalcoatl was identified with Venus, the Morning Star, by his Indian worshippers; as a matter of fact, the crucifixion Lord Kingsborough noted is the widespread Morning Star sacrifice, a ritual in which a human being, often a slave or captive, was spread-eagled on a scaffold and then shot to death with an arrow. (Previous theorists on American Indian origins have identified Quetzalcoatl variously as Atlas, St. Thomas, Votan, Osiris, Dionysius, Bacchus, a Buddhist or Brahmin missionary, Viracocha and Mango Capac of Peru, Poseidon, and Hotu Matua, the culture hero of Easter Island in the Pacific.) The Mormons rely on what they consider significant parallels between The Book of Mormon and the Annals of Ixtlilxochitl, the latter a historical document written in the sixteenth century by a Mexican Indian, Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, grandson of the last native king of Tczcuco. Hunter and Ferguson document this argument with descriptions and illustrations showing resemblances between the costumes, arts, crafts, architecture, and other cultural traits of the Egyptians, on the one hand, and the descendants of the Hebrews in America, on the other. They attack the orthodox anthropological "all-or-none" attitudes: that American Indians were all-Mongoloid-or-none racially, and that the New World was peopled all-by-way-of-Siberia-Bering-Strait-or-none. "Further, to claim that such bearded convex-nosed characters (depicted in Mexican and Yucatec remains)... are representatives of Mongoloids is to ignore clear-cut 'real evidence' to the contrary. They are representations of Caucasians and all the dodging and ignoring that is going on with respect to such evidence will not change the truth.... Those who persist in following the 'all-or-none'
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theories must accuse Ixtlilxochitl, Sahagu'n, Torquemada, the Senores of Totonicapan and Xahila, and
Joseph Smith with ignorance or deliberate misstatements for saying that the colonizers came to America
by boat from across the sea. These remarkable people are dead and cannot speak for themselves; however,
the stone and ceramic figurines of the ancient colonizers are speaking quite eloquently out of the ground.
They are 'voices from the dust' which constitute real evidence that will not easily be overcome; and, to a
marked degree, it seems that this 'real evidence' points to the fact that the original settlers of Bountiful-
land were very much like the ancient Near Easterners, both in mien and dress."
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his priest, Chi-Pixab, just as Jehovah gave it to Moses. It is also easy to find deluge stories and pictures in these native Indian books, even the clearly pre-Columbian Maya codices. Anthropologists attribute the almost identical passages of the Popol Vuh and the Bible to European influence on the native scribe who recorded the former, and they write off the pre-Columbian flood stories as independent legends stemming from different floods. The late Professor Roland B. Dixon of Harvard included a discussion of deluge stories in his book, The Building of Cultures, which was devoted largely to attacking the Egyptianist diffusion school. Dixon said that myths recounting a great flood in which all persons were destroyed except one or a small group of survivors are widely distributed over the world, although less common in Africa than elsewhere. However, "apart from the basic idea of a flood from which but few escape, the details and even the fundamental ideas of the tales are different." In one case, he shows, the flood's cause may be an accident, in another it is due to divine displeasure, in another to personal enmity between two supernatural beings. "The means of safety may be a boat, or by climbing a tall tree or a mountain; the world may again become habitable by a recession of the waters, or may need to be re-created by the survivor." Dixon said that all peoples except those of the most arid regions must at one time or another have experienced sudden disastrous floods, and upon this, "mythic fancy builds its individual plot." At Brigham Young University in Provo, Utah, a large department of archeology publishes its own Bulletin, the results of faculty and student research in this field. Some of the articles are straight factual reporting; some carry at least a brief interpretation favorable to Church dogma. The Bulletin has brought out some valuable trait distribution studies, concentrated on motifs that the Church finds relevant to its history. For example, in a 1953 issue, two articles are devoted to the "Tree of Life" depictions in Maya art. These are cross-shaped
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motifs that figure in a number of ancient Maya and Mexican sculptures and paintings in books. Regarding this figure as Christ's cross, early writers saw in it evidence that Christian teachings had reached the New World before Columbus. Modern archeologists usually refer to it as a conventionalized tree, which apparently figures in pre-Columbian mythology, history, or religion. To Mormons the various elements that appear fairly consistently in this motif not only indicate historical connection with the Old World, which has produced very similar art forms particularly in Java and Cambodia, but also are identified with familiar stories in the Bible and in Greek mythology. Stylized tree in bas-relief sculpture, Temple of the Cross, Palenque Mexico. Early Spaniards thought it was Christ's cross. The Mormons believe it represents the Tree of Life. After A. P. Maudslay. -- (click on graphic for high resolution image)
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Another work that is most interesting for its trait distributions, and by far the most comprehensive
statement of evidence favoring Mormon beliefs about ancient America, is Thomas Stuart Ferguson's One
Fold and One Shepherd, published in 1958. Its theme is that Central America and Mexico received their
very early high civilization from Mesopotamian Jaredites who landed on the Gulf Coast of eastern Mexico
in the third millennium B.C., and from two small groups of Israelites, descendants of Joseph, who crossed
the ocean in the sixth century B.C., and that The Book of Mormon tells the history of this Hebrew colony
from the time of its departure from Jerusalem in 597 B.C. until the destruction of its American nation in
A.D. 385. Ferguson reminds us that The Book of Mormon does not purport to explain the origin of all
cultures in all epochs and in all zones of the Western Hemisphere -- only the high civilizations -- and that
it does not contradict the presence of Stone Age cultures is America prior to or during the period of which
it treats, nor the possible influences from southeast Asia that we shall describe in chapter 6. One Fold and
One Shepherd, representing a tremendous amount of work and study by its conscientious and devoted
author, assembles numerous resemblances between Mexican-Maya archeological remains and documents
on the one hand, and of "Bible lands" (chiefly Egypt, Asia Minor, and Mesopotamia) on the other. In one
section he lists 298 "elements of culture" common to Bible lands and Middle America in prehistoric times,
ranging literally from "A" (adobe bricks) to "Z" (zodiacal sequence).
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matter, although they resent the fact that gentile anthropologists will not take The Book of Mormon
seriously enough even to become familiar with its contents or give it a fair trial as an authentic historical
source. Mormons are confident that archeology will fully substantiate their beliefs about the pre-historic
inhabitants of America, just as it has confirmed many of the cities and events described in the Bible. I
taught one summer in Utah, where perhaps half of my students at the state university were Mormon.
Outside class, the question of American Indian origins never came up at all, and even in class the students
showed a more relaxed attitude toward moot questions than I had anticipated, for the very day I arrived in
Salt Lake City the newspaper carried a warning from one of the church officials to a statewide youth
meeting that the Devil was known to try to poison students' minds through the plausible-sounding
teachings of university professors. (I heard Billy Sunday tell a tabernacle full of South Carolina college
students and faculty the same thing about forty years ago.) The next most aggressive Mormon statement I
have encountered was an extremely mild one in a 1924 book by Lewis Edward Hills, New Light on
American Archaeology. Quoting the Eighty-second Psalm, "They have taken crafty counsel against God's
hidden ones," Hills explained that the ancient Americans were God's hidden ones, and the counsel and
craftiness were sub sequent attempts to destroy the belief that these people were Israelites. "This," Hills
added, "I believe, is still going on."
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lagoons near the Gulf of Mexico. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints believes in present -- day and continuous revelation, says the Encyclopaedia Britannica, "by direct word of mouth and visible presence of God; by voice communication without visible presence; by visitation of angels and deliverance of messages; also by impressions upon the mind of men by the Spirit of God. Revelation in any of these manners is the supreme source of knowledge, and the final arbiter of doctrine for the Church, even superior to the written word." Lewis Hills experienced the second of these types of revelation as he was trying to locate on a map of Mexico the hill named Shim mentioned in The Book of Mormon. "I started to mark it on the map north of the city of Desolation. As I started to put it down a voice spoke to me and said, 'The hill on the other side.' I looked immediately at my Rand & McNally map before me, and there, sure enough, I saw a mountain called 'Mount Zem.' The Book of Mormon called it the hill Shim, and it is called Mount Zem. It is very clear to me: Shim and Zem are the same." |
Roger G. Kennedy Hidden Cities NYC: 1994 © 1994 Roger G. Kennedy all rights reserved. Pages copied are limited to "fair use" excerpts. |
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While it prevailed, sixteenth and seventeenth century Europeans found in the Old Testament texts to Justify their own ferocious civil wars. Accompanied by hymns, princes and peasants burnt and pillaged, murdered and mutilated in Europe. When they came to the Americas they treated the Indians no worse than they treated each other; their sectarian cruelties were extended to new victims. In New England as in New Spain, dissenters and heathen were treated with equal savagery. Flames were flames, as searing when administered by the Inquisition as by the General Court. Always, however, there were dissenters; there bad been a New Testament. Bartolome das Casas took to the Hapsburg court itself the
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cause of justice and of respect for Indians, and in the English colonies there were Anne Hutchison, Roger Williams, the Moravians and Quakers. It remained generally true, however, that from 1492 onward for nearly three centuries, violent and vicious people made use of ancient Hebrew texts to justify their worst behavior toward the people who obtruded upon their imperial ambitions. * There was no comfort for the Indians in the assertion of the pilgrims under John Winthrop that "the God of Israel is among us.... We shall be as a city upon a hill." Their God of Israel had seen fit to bring only a furious favor. Once it had been shown to the ancient Jews; now it was vouchsafed to the Puritan invaders of what they sought to mold into a New England, redeemed of the sins of the Old. There was little of the New Testament in this, and not much more of the compassionate side of Judaism, only cold fury, grim wrath and convenient rectitude. When it pleased the invaders to expand their beachheads into the lands of the Pequots, they buckled on the armor of "David's war." It was, they said, conducted with "light from the word of God," in this case the word of an Old Testament, offering the justification in New World forests of Old World desert killings. Thus might the conscience be salved in the carrying forth of whatever English ambitions might require. As he watched the flames consume the men, women, and children in a Pequot fort in May, 1637, John Underhill exclaimed that the Lord was "burning them up in the fire of His wrath... it was the Lord's doings, and it is marvelous in our eyes!" Yet through it all Roger Williams persisted in his truth; killing Indians was spilling "innocent blood." LOST TRIBES Williams found support from some strange allies, who took their position not only out of compassion but also from an unorthodox reading of the Old Testament, drawing from ancient Hebrew accounts reasons to treat the Indians not as subhumans but instead as persons deserving special regard: they were Jews, descendants of the Lost Tribes of Israel. It was a little unclear how these Hebrews might have reached America, but the theory they had done so reached New England from New Spain, via Holland and the heterodox Puritans of England. In the sixteenth__________ * This book is not large enough to include the responses of the French, Dutch, Swedes, Portuguese, or Spaniards to the evidence of ancient America, though the French and Spaniards had ample opportunity to do so even within the geographic confines we have set for ourselves, the Mississippi Valley. Some effort in that direction was made in an earlier draft, but was abandoned in the interest of portability.
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century, a Dominican friar, Diego Duran, probably of Jewish descent, had asserted that the Indians, too, were Jews. The Sevillian intellectuals from whom he sprang were being exiled and persecuted; he found some solace in stories of Lost Tribes escaping tribulation. Duran's idea was picked up by another Dominican, Gregorio Garcia, who published a survey of the Origin of the Indians of the New World in the year of the founding of Jamestown by the English (1607). For good measure, Garcia added the possibilities that the Indians might have originated in Carthage, Atlantis, or East Asia. [13] The Jesuits were less capacious in their imaginings. Their Jose de Acosta derided the Lost Tribes theory as fanciful: he took, instead, the modern view that the Indians had come in a series of invasions by a land bridge from Asia. Seekers after lost tribes were not to be deterred, however. In the middle of the seventeenth century, a Portuguese Jew, Antonio de Montezinos, wrote that while exploring the interior of Ecuador, he had come upon some Indians who professed regret at ill treatment they had meted out to "a holy people." Had they not driven them into the woods, where they were "now hidden," these people might now be recruited to redeem the Indians from Spanish rule. Montezinos did not then think the hidden people to be Jews, but after he was jailed by the Inquisition, he had a sudden revelation while praying for strength to resist his captors: an inner voice told him: "Those people were Hebrews!" [14] Upon his release, reported Montezinos, he returned to the jungle, once again found his guides, and was led by them to three men and a woman who greeted him with the words "Sherma, Yisrael, Adonal Elohenu Adonai Ehod" -- "Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God, the Lord is One." They told him they were of the tribe of Reuben, that the tribe of Joseph was close at hand, and that "the God of these children of Israel is the true God, and everything inscribed on their tablets is true. At the end of days, they will be lords over all the earth." Having promised to bring twelve bearded men back to the jungle to write down what these lost tribes might recall, for they had forgotten the art of writing, Montezinos once more departed Ecuador. [15] He made his way to the Sephardic community in Amsterdam, where he persuaded the venerable Rabbi Manasseh ben Israel of the truth of his story. While the twelve bearded scribes were unavailable, the rabbi had his own printing press, and commenced propagating the account of the lost Reubenites and Josephites. An English clergyman in Holland, John Drury, brought the good news to another, Thomas Thorowgood, in England, who wrote it down in a book entitled Jews in America, or, Probabilities that those Indians Are Judaical. From Thorowgood the new gospel about the Old Testament was brought to __________ 13. There is an elegant summation of this tale in Stephen Williams's Fantastic Archaeology, pp. 32, 33. 14. My account follows the wonderful tale told by Sanders, pp. 362-65. 15. Ibid.
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the Reverend John Eliot, of Roxbury, in Massachusetts, who was inspirited by it to redouble his effort to convert the Algonquians. Eliot produced his own book, a translation of the Bible into the Algonquian language, the better to sustain his missionary endeavors -- he and Roger Williams were of that branch of the Puritans still cleaving to the view that Indians were people, and worthy of salvation. In this he was an inconvenience to the more orthodox view that they were of a lesser order, to be swept away by the cleansing power of the English. The humanity of Indians was as uncertain to Cotton Mather as the humanity of Blacks was to Jefferson. Mather pounced upon Eliot's "lost Israelites among the Indians," and upon other "learned men" and poured his derision upon their "thorowgood reasons" for taking seriously Manasseh ben Israel. [16] Manasseh ben Israel had not been idle. His Hope of Israel was published in Latin and Spanish, espousing much the same idea as de Acosta, but with a twist: Jewish Indians had come with other emigrants from Asia via the "strait of Anian" after the Assyrian conquest of Israel had dispersed the lost tribes. To Montezinos's story he added another from the Andes: tall, white-bearded patriarchs who regarded the use of canoes with the same disdain with which a Doge might respond to the suggestion he propel a gondola. [17] The Hope of Israel had considerable influence among those Englishmen who were disposed toward conversion rather than extinction of Indians. Not only were Williamsite Puritans persuaded to justify a respect for Indians on the ground that they might be the people of the Old Testament; so, too, were Quaker settlers of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and Quaker merchants who had learned the blessings of accommodation with their Sephardic colleagues everywhere. William Penn reported that the Indians of Pennsylvania resembled the Jews of London. By the 1820s, there was among reformist Protestants a settled body of opinion holding that Indians should be handled more gingerly than mere imperial convenience might dictate. This delicacy was grounded in the opinion that they were not, so to speak, Indians at all. While others were calling for extermination of bloodthirsty savages, the reformers asked some consideration at least for impoverished descendants of Lost Tribes, who might be as capable of redemption as New Testament Jews. This strain of Puritanism bore fruit again in 1823, when Ethan Smith published his View of the Hebrews; or the Lost Tribes of Israel in America. This Smith was no kin to Joseph Smith, the founder of the Church of Christ of the Latter Day Saints, but his book offers passages of battles and tribal annihilation which presage The Book of Mormon. __________ 16. Ibid., pp. 368-69. 17. Ibid., p. 371.
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Conventional evangelism had swept into the nineteenth century with very little interest in converting Indians - - that had been left to Catholics, Moravians, and Quakers. Few of the sects that effloresced in the 1820s and 1830s gave much heed to the possibility that Indians might have religious insights worth the attention of more orthodox Protestants or Catholics. It followed that Native American religious art was relegated to the trash heap, and even scientific interest in "savage" architecture abated among the orthodox, as it had among a shrinking number of deists and Unitarians. This was not the case with those who held to the Lost Tribes hypothesis. If the Indians had emerged from the pages of the Old Testament they might be worth saving, and so might their art. It is true to this day that the Mormon church, the largest denomination to accept the Lost Tribes view of Indian origins, has been consistently interested in evangelistic -- that is, respectful -- relations with Native Americans. This is not to say that the followers of Joseph Smith have been conspicuously attentive to Native American religious precepts. They have, however, not been as willing as other Americans to treat Indians as beings sufficiently less than human as to be Justifiably exterminated. The Mormons have sought to gather converts among Indians. They have also paid rapt attention to Native American architecture. JOSEPH SMITH, NEPHITES, AND JAREDITES Mormonism was a rejection of the deism and scientism of the Founding Fathers. The contemporaries of Joseph Smith, Mormons and non-Mormons alike, were rediscovering the Old Testament. Rediscovered and restored to currency, the ancient texts were provided with supplements, of which the Book of Mormon is the most famous. It was by far the most successful fusion of personal revelation, archaeology, and proselytizing by literature in the history of Christendom. But it did not stand alone, nor was it unprecedented.The revelations of Joseph Smith came as the culmination of a sequence which began with Duran, Garcia, and Montezinos, and continued through the labors of Thorowgood and Eliot. Smith was born in Vermont in 1805, and grew to manhood south of Rochester, New York, in yet another village named Palmyra, set all about by ancient Indian mound s. while in western New York, preachers were bringing swaying, singing crowds to raptures with sermons cadenced in the rhythms of the Old Testament from which they brought passages indistinguishable from their own inspired texts. The very air throbbed with Hebraic verses, as the metronome of daily life was set to a beat established by daily prayers and prayer meetings convened as often as
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chores allowed. This testamentary atmosphere flowed across a landscape the principal features of which were ancient mounds, while a folk religion crept through those mounds bearing European traditions of magic stones for discovering riches, and Hebraic tales of tablets bearing wisdom and divine injunction. Smith was a seer, equipped with a prodigious memory. He had been a conjurer and dowser, in trouble with the law for responding to the craving of his neighbors for new discoveries by offering them holy stones for treasure hunting. * He was the child of passionately religious parents, deeply read in the scriptures, living in a region in which so many fiery sects were thriving that it became known as the "burnt over district." The air was thick with revelations and incantations, as the Old Testament was quarried for truth. It was an unsettling time, in which the whole of America seemed swept from its moorings and on the move, west, north, south. Continuities were desperately sought. Some might be found in ancient religion, especially in the Old Testament, the chronicle of a people which never lost its identity despite disruptions and disasters, a story especially consoling to Americans of the nineteenth century. (Its more universal consolations are to be de- rived, I think, from another emphasis). Another continuum was to be found upon the land itself; intimations of antiquity emanated from mounds set conspicuously and mysteriously upon the landscape of Ohio and western New York. Mormonism answered a longing for continuity, as it was organized to provide community. In the process, it offered a synthesis of ancient American history and ancient Hebrew theology. The Old Testament was made the explanation for the mysteries of archaeology; the Mormons became the legitimate heirs both of the Mound Builders and the testamentary Hebrews. The tablets of Joseph Smith proclaimed them to be kin. In 1827, his neighbors began to bruit the story that Smith had discovered treasure which somehow revealed the truth about the builders of the mounds. He had told some of them that he had been visited by the angel Moroni, who, with his father Mormon, had been the only survivors of a lost tribe of Israelites, the Nephites. They had buried, in the hill of Cumorah in western New York, golden tablets or plates, telling the story of architects of earth who had come in three migrations from Asia, by boat. The first of those to arrive had been the __________ * Fawn Brodie commenced her career as a psychohistorian with a biography of Smith which led to her expulsion from the Mormon church; only afterward did she turn her attention to Thomas Jefferson and in the process become the rediscoverer of the story of Jefferson's putative relative to Sally Hemings. (See Brodie, Jefferson.) Her Smith is more necromancer than seer, just as her Jefferson was more troubled and passionate romantic than seer. I do not find either portrait wholly compelling.
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Jaredites, in 2000 B.C., who prospered for a time but fell into evil, famine, and civil war, culminating in the first battle of Cumorah. There was a survivor, however, the historian Ether who buried his own golden chronicle tablets under the hill later used by Mormon and Moroni. Fourteen centuries later, the followers of the prophet Lehi escaped the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, and they, too, came to America, where the Tragedy of the jaredites was repeated. Once again there was dissension; even the mound-building descendants of the good son of Lehi, Nephi, lost their virtue and were overwhelmed by the depraved Lamanites, who vanquished them in a second battle at Hill Cumorah. The Nephites had rediscovered the lost tablets of Ether; and when their own time had come, they knew where to place their own golden chronicles. This second interment was accomplished by Mormon and Moroni, whose tablets were those discovered by Smith. As the year 1827 unfolded, Smith dictated the Book of Mormon, including a history of the mound-building Indians in the rhythms of the Old Testament. Twenty-seven thousand words out of a total of 275,000 in his book were only slightly altered from the King James version of the Bible. Smith sat on one side of a curtain, reading, he said, from Mormon and Moroni's tablets, making use of "seer stones" while his wife took down his words. * Smith became the founder of the only world religion to be based in American archaeology. Because the American Indians have never sought to evangelize Europeans or Africans, Mormonism is also the only world religion to place American Indian experience at the center of its creed. Smith was lynched in an Illinois jail in 1844. After his death, his inspired successor, Brigham Young, brought to a new Zionism of the West the impassioned religious life of the mound-haunted landscape of western New York. Mormonism sprang from the mounds; according to Smith and Young, the lost tribes of Israel had led to the Americas, and thus explained those mounds. According to Duran and Ben Israel, the lost tribes had found refuge in the New World, and it is probably not coincidental that they were rediscovered in the sixteenth century as Jews were being expelled from Spain and harassed throughout Europe. A newer, nobler Israel might someday emerge from their tribulations, and some might say it did, in Brigham Young's Zion. Mound building __________ * Smith had, it is true, been convicted in local court as an "imposter" for alleging that he could find buried money using such stones. But before skeptics draw too quickly the conclusion that he was an imposter in his religious discoveries, it is well to remember that religious revelation does not readily visit those who do not seek it, and have no metaphors for discoveries beyond the range of conventional technology.
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had become a religious matter, associated with Mormonism. Lost tablets and lost races took center stage, and science retreated into the shadows. ENTER THE WELSH There are passages in the Book of Mormon which assert that the Lamanites were cursed with the characteristic skin color of the Indians, that copper or reddish hue which some (though by no means all) of them seemed to acquire upon exposure to the sun, while Europeans became charred or pink. This may not seem a generous explanation of pigmentation, but it was more so than a theory simultaneously current that the mounds were built by pink people who had arrived during the Middle Ages from Wales. This possibility commended itself to many of that coloring, including Thomas Jefferson. It did not require so much of a leap of faith as the Lost Tribes hypothesis, for instead of treating Indians in general as carrying the genes of a chosen people, and thus capable of doing grand things, it merely suggested a brief intrusion into the affairs of the continent on the part of a few mound-building Welshmen whose descendants might be found in isolation on the upper Missouri. The rest of the Indians could still be regarded as savages, noble or otherwise.Jefferson was a Celt -- those who knew both him and Alexander Hamilton remarked on the similarity of their coloring, their reddish hair and ruddy cheeks. Those who were also acquainted with the Mandan of the upper Missouri noted similar coloring among them, fair skins, hair frequently brown and sometimes red, turning grey, and blue eyes. In the last decades of the eighteenth century a concatenation of wishful ethnic pride, imperial propaganda, and inexplicable coloring among Indians persuaded many people that the Mandan were the descendants of Welsh builders of mounds. Even the French, who had no reason to desire Welsh primacy among Europeans in America, had noted the differences between Mandans and other Indians. Among the first to do so were the two sons of a baronial fur trader, le sieur de la Verendrye. The elder son, le Chevalier, and the younger, merely Francois, reached the Mandan villages on the upper Missouri in 1738. The courtly two noted that the Mandan women did not look Indian, and pronounced their features "fairly good looking, especially the light colored ones; many of them have blonde or fair hair." They added that the Mandan fortifications were "not characteristic of the Indians." [18] In 1794, the Mandans were visited again by a fervent advocate of a Welsh enclave in North Dakota: John Evans. A decade before Lewis and Clark, Evans went up the Missouri while it was still embraced by __________ 18. Quoted in Gwyn Williams, Madoc, p. 11.
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the Spanish Empire. Though disappointed that the Mandan did not look as Welsh as he had hoped, he still insisted that their language contained Welsh words. Perhaps it did. How would we know? Evans had as much reason to expect Welshmen on the Missouri, making "fortifications" beyond what seemed at the time to be the skill of mere Indians, as Joseph Smith had to find Israelites buried beneath the mounds of western New York. Why might Evans expect lost tribes of Wales? Not from Welsh sorrows, but from Welsh pride. Jefferson does not seem to have taken seriously the attribution to lost tribes of Israel of the mounds of the Middle West. He was not a devotee of the Old Testament. He was, instead, a child of the Renaissance, turning more readily to Elizabethan myths generated from the psychic needs of people like himself. The Elizabethans had sought to fuse science, classical humanism and fierce ethnic pride carried by Welshmen and Englishmen into an unstable brew swirling about the Anglo-Welsh court of Queen Elizabeth, the Welsh princess whose grandfather had wrested the crown from an English prince. America for them was the next kingdom to be gained, by wresting that kingdom from Spain. The valuable portions of the Spanish realm in the New World had been acquired through the exertions of Cortez, who invaded Mexico in 1519. There had been reports of Aztec behavior on that occasion which might, with a little ingenuity, be turned to Anglo-Welsh account. Might there be truth in the tale that when Cortez arrived he was greeted by Montezuma speaking Welsh? And was not one reason given for the success of Cortex that Montezuma did not at first resist him, but, instead, welcomed his arrival in fulfilling an expectation of a return of bearded white men from the sea? If he greeted Cortez in Welsh he must have been expecting Cortez, as a white man, to speak Welsh in return. The fundament of this theory was that the language instructors to the Aztecs had come four centuries earlier as the companions of Prince Madoc of Wales, who set forth in 1170 with ten ships to explore the western seas and never returned. It was in the British imperial interest that in the twelfth century the Welsh had preceded Cortez to the New World, thereby establishing a claim to it for Elizabeth Tudor, Queen of England, prior to that proclaimed by Cortez for the kings of Spain. This was a better idea than that Montezuma was speaking Hebrew. Elizabeth's chief of intelligence, Sir Francis Walsingham, welcomed the first written assertion of Elizabeth's priority, prepared for him in 1583 by Sir George Peckham. Peckham's account of the "verie words of Mutuzuma, set down in the Spanish chronicles... doo all sufficientlie argue the undoubted title of her Majestie" derived from "Prince Madocke." [19] __________ 19. Ibid., p. 42.
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A year later, in 1584, David Powell published his History of Cambria (Wales), placing in print the speculations of the man who had already provisioned Peckham: John Dee. Dee had much in common with Joseph Smith. He, too, was often called a sorcerer -- "a caller of devils" -- though both were more famous for their "angelic conversations." Dee was the more cosmopolitan, for Smith was a poor farm boy, and Dee was able to study in Prague and Louvain, where he became a mathematician and geographer, learning as well those alchemical skills which came to justify his appellation as "Arch Conjurer of England." As scientific adviser, Dee served such Elizabethan enterprises as the Muscovy Company and the Company of Cathay, and anticipated Jefferson's explorations by advising the British to seek their own Northwest Passage to the Pacific. [20] Dee had begun in 1578 to acquaint the British court with the ancient tale that Prince Madoc of Wales had been the first European discoverer and colonizer of America. Dee's original manuscript pleadings for "Royal Titles" was lost, but a printed version appeared in 1580. Lost manuscripts are important to the story of the Elizabethan rediscovery -- or deployment -- of the Madoc legend. Richard Hakluyt, professor of geography at Oxford, following Dee, asserted that they were basing their assertions upon a lost manuscript by Humphrey Llywyd, which, in turn was based upon another lost manuscript by Caradog of Llancarvan. As these bardic conveniences were appearing, Walsingham produced an English seaman, David Ingram, who was prepared to testify that he had been marooned on the Gulf Coast in 1568. Ingram, according to Walsingham as reported in Hakluyt, came among elephants, flamingoes, penguins, and Indians using Welsh words to describe these animals. Another involuntary explorer-linguist soon appeared, Morgan Jones, who said he had been captured by Doeg Indians in South Carolina in 1660 who spared his life because they and he shared a language -- Welsh. By now the public had become accustomed to such tales, and by 1770, Welsh dilettanti assembled in London were making anthologies of accounts of Welsh-speaking white Indians. Conveniently, a Britisher turned Indian, William Augustus Bowles, claiming to be chief among the Muskogee in the mound country of Alabama, was willing to inform eager audiences that there were white, Welsh-speaking Indians just over the western horizon -- the Padoucahs. Jonathan Carver, that packrat among mythographers, reported in 1784 that there were such people, "whiter than the neighboring tribes, who cultivate the ground, and... in some measure the arts," living on the Missouri. So, at last, we come to the Mandans, by way of Wales, Mexico, the Gulf Coast, South Carolina, Alabama, and the ephemeral Padoucahs. [21] __________ 20. I am following Gwyn Williams, who writes with such subtle irony as to mislead some subsequent scholars, such as Dean DeBolt of the University of West Florida, to think him "a passionate advocate of the Madoc legend." Williams is an eloquent writer and a fine scholar, contriving to tread the line between parody and diffidence while sustaining prose justifying accompaniment by a great Welsh chorus. (DeBolt, fn. 4, p. 16) 21. Carver in DeBolt, p. 12.
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Jefferson owned a copy of Carver's Travels, and by 1803 was fully acquainted with the presumptive outreach of his forbears. Morgan Jones had given the world Welshmen sailing with Prince Madoc to America and starting to build mounds; Morgan Edwards, chronicler of the American Baptists, reported that by the 1780s there were scores of reports of their descendants, from such diverse sources as Daniel Boone and Simon Girty. In Tennessee, John Sevier paused to search out evidence of Madoc even while campaigning against the Cherokee. Having invoked Welshmen to explain the presence of the ceremonial center he called "Old Stone Fort," on the Hlwassee River, during a lull in the fighting he asked Oconostota, a Cherokee war leader, to confirm the possibility that these earthworks, strengthened with stone, had been built by a white race which preceded the Cherokee. Oconostota obliged, embellishing the tale with great imagination. If this were not enough, John Filson, or Daniel Boone (it is not certain which) recounted that Captain Abraham Chaplain... a gentleman whose veracity may be entirely depended on, assured the author, that in the late war (1775-1781, while at Kaskaskia with George Rogers Clark)... some Indians came there, and, speaking in the Welsh dialect, were perfectly understood and conversed with two Welshmen in his company. [22] It is perilous to the successful pursuit of truth to dismiss any testimony, however unlikely it may seem. Jefferson did not, and as part of that sober inquiry which led him to send Lewis and Clark after Verendrye and Evans up the Missouri, he asked them to find Welsh-speaking white Indians. Two of their men reported they had done so. As Lewis and Clark pressed toward the Rockies, in England the poet Robert Southey produced his interminable and profitable epic Madoc. Many Americans of Welsh decent still assert that the Mound Builders were a separate role and Welsh. As late as the 1980s, a historic plaque placed on the shores of Mobile Bay by the Daughters of the American Revolution proclaimed that upon that proud place the Welsh prince had set foot. The plaque was only recently retired to a warehouse. Why Welshmen? Because, in the first instance, it was desirable to establish a Tudor claim antecedent to that of Cortez, and the Tudors were Welsh. Later this dynastic imperative was replaced by the need of Europeans to define away Indians from the ranks of those worthy of respectful treatment by denying to them fully human status. If, as Jefferson had once asserted, but later recanted, Indians were incapable of monumental architecture, then Welsh builders of mounds producing only a few mixed-blood descendants who would conveniently die off from a plague of smallpox, were a considerable convenience. It is not __________ 22. Filson, Discovery and Settlement of Kentucky, p. 96.
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likely that Jefferson was hoping that Lewis and Clark would corroborate the Madocian hypothesis; Evans was not probing the northernmost extensions of the Spanish Empire to denigrate Native Americans but to replace the claims of Spain to that empire with those of the Anglo-Saxon-Brittonic peoples, and Jefferson, of course, did not have an Elizabethan reason for seeking out Mandans or Welsh speakers. His best source of information before the departure of Lewis and Clark, Winthrop Sargent, was not persuaded that the builders of the Ohio Valley mounds were Welsh, and for Jefferson a search only justified itself if it was in the interest of science. He was, characteristically, just looking. [23] It must be recalled that Jefferson had his own imperial vision. He sent Lewis and Clark to establish the claim of the United States to the Missouri Valley, to the shores of the Pacific Ocean, and a route to Cathay. For such routes Ferdinand and Isabella dispatched Columbus and Cortez; for them, as well, Elizabeth of England and Wales, as red-headed as Jefferson, made use of the myth of Madoc to animate her own imperial campaign and its search for a Northwest Passage -- a water route to Cathay. * * * Between Europe and Asia there were, in fact a peoples lost to history, the peoples of America who built earthen architecture. Jefferson's growing wonder at the accomplishments of the early inhabitants of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys quickened his interest in what "monuments" Lewis and Clark might discover on the imperial way westward. Perhaps another instinct, ethnic in origin, enlivened his scientific curiosity about what truth there might be imbedded in the map he sent them, the product of John Evans, "whose original object I believe had been to go in search of the Welsh Indians said to be up the Missouri." [24] European diseases accompanied these imperial adventures and this scientific probing. As a result, the Mandans nearly became a truly lost tribe. We shall never know whether or not they ever built mounds, or when they first developed their peculiar coloring, or even if some of them might have been descended from Welsh explorers of the twelfth century. The Mandans were virtually gone by 1840; nearly exterminated by European smallpox. Since there are no pure-blood Mandan (whatever that might mean) left, geneticists have been discouraged from pursuing their biological history with twentieth century devices. Jefferson made use of everything available to him for the purpose, however, drawing upon the accounts of the Verendryes to inform Lewis and Clark what they might expect on the upper Missouri. Though by 1840 the scientific tone established by Jefferson and Gallatin still persisted, it was being flooded out by racial apologetics. Indian accomplishments were erased by allocating all that was interesting in __________ 23. I am grateful to Stephen Williams for pointing out that Sargent was no Madocian, and that, later, Henry Brackenridge took a similar view. 24. Jefferson on Evans, quoted in DeBolt, p. 13. Stephen Williams points out that Jefferson had a lively interest in Tartars and in trans-Siberian migration, as well as in Welshmen, but insists that the term "mound builders" is misleading as implying that they were a discrete people, instead of a widely dispersed people creating widely variegated architecture of earth. Williams's suggestions appeared as marginalia on one of my final drafts of this chapter, and were written in September, 1993. I hope I have stated his view accurately.
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their work to someone -- almost anyone -- else. What had begun in the 1570s as a device of Tudor propaganda became, by the 1840s, a device of American racial apologetics. AN APOLOGETIC POTPOURRI The first generation of American statesmen-archaeologists did not require exotic peoples to explain the monumental architecture they found in the Mississippi watershed. As we have seen, Jefferson, Gallatin, and Washington simply assumed that the people they found in the valley had been preceded by other Indians who had known more effulgent circumstances -- "a more populous people" but not a different one. The Biblical scholars, however, began early to seek American demonstrations of the texts which they had become accustomed to quarrying for sermons. Ezra Stiles of Yale substituted, for the Lost Tribes of Jews, Canaanites driven from Palestine by Israelites.Stiles offered his Biblical exegetics to Benjamin Franklin, who replied from Paris that he thought De Soto a more likely leader of the Mound Builders than any Canaanite. Franklin knew better; accounts of De Soto's expedition were by then widely current and made it quite clear that the Indians with which De Soto's party contested were still building and using mounds. None the less, many such mounds came to be called "Spanish Forts," especially in Tennessee and Mississippi, where, indeed, Spanish forts might be expected. Some still dot the Mississippi and Tennessee landscape, though they were constructed a thousand years and more before there was a Spain. Many were there before there was either a Rome or a Carthage. Benjamin Barton, like most of us, learned as he went along, but at the outset he brought his own distorting lenses on his travels down the Ohio. Though his prejudices were relatively harmless in the reading room of the American Philosophical Society, they did not help science in the open air. Barton had been reading the Icelandic sagas, and thus was able to anticipate what emerged from nineteenth century Scandinavian pride. He offered Danish Vikings as the forefathers of the Mound builders, who had, he suggested, gone on to Mexico to become Toltecs. De Witt Clinton, father of the Erie Canal and mayor of New York, concurred with Barton in 1811. having reviewed the evidence of New York mound building a decade before Joseph Smith adumbrated the Mormon hypothesis. Toltecs alone would do, but giving them an infusion of Viking blood made them almost Normans, who, as everyone knew were first cousins to the Anglo-Saxons -- 1066 and all that. Besides, Toltec Vikings assimilated into mound-building apologetics the otherwise indigestible Aztec
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tale of a Toltec king named Quetzalcoatl who was bearded and fair-skinned. (Quetzalcoatl the Viking must not be confused with Montezuma the Welsh Bard or Hebrew poet.) Bishop James Madison did not Join Barton in requiring Danish blood for his Mound Builders; neither did Thaddeus Harris nor Caleb Atwater. For Harris, and for many others later, something exotic to the Ohio valley was a pleasant thought, but that something need not be non-Indian. Mexicans would do -- Harris accepted the Toltec idea uncomplicated by Viking-Normans. Toltecs and Aztecs, though resident in the central valley of Mexico, and therefore distant, were better known to the literary world of Boston than the Indians of the American central valley. To Prescott, Stephens, and Catherwood as litterateurs, rather than as archaeologists, we owe such place names as the Aztec ruins of New Mexico, the Toltec site in Arkansas, Montezuma's Castle and Montezuma's Well in Arizona, and Aztalan Mounds in Wisconsin. While the geography is a little off, there is no racial prejudice in these attributions. The general view in the 1820s was that of Atwater, William Henry Harrison, Albert Gallatin, and Henry Brackenridge. Though they placed their Mound Builders at some distance from "any tribe of North American Indians known in modern times" they did not require for them blood infusions from Europe. [25] Though Atwater might suggest Hindu influence on Indian art, that was because Hindus and Indians both came from Asia. Gallatin made it clear that he did not feel the builders of mounds had learned anything from the Toltecs; rather, he wrote, it was the other way round. And so it may have been. As we have learned more about archaeology we have become more timorous in our suppositions, and are now ready to admit that we do not know. Still agnosticism does not sell books; confusion does. The hot pseudoscientific best-seller of the 1830s was Josiah Priest's Antiquities and Discoveries in the West which added Polynesians, Greeks, Romans, and Chinese to the list of alternative mound builders -- anyone would do but Indians. Early nineteenth century novelists such Sarah J. Hale and Cornelius Matthews, and the poet, William Cullen Bryant (in The Prairies, in 1832), and mid-century writers such as Daniel Pierce Thompson offered touching tales of mound-building heroes and heroines of indeterminate race. Fiction, then as now, tended to accommodate public preference. The Indians were always an annoyance. After the Sioux and Cheyenne refused to accept the invasions of the West, and in 1862 commenced their nearly thirty-year struggle to retain their lands, Indian fighting became the White Man's Burden. The weight of that burden was lightened by denying any redeeming virtues -- such as architectural skill -- to the enemy. __________ 25. Atwater in Silverberg, The Mound Builders, p. 51. Silverberg does a good job in reviewing the mound-building myths.
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(remainder of this text not copied, due to copyright restrictions) |
R. Tripp Evans Romancing the Maya Austin, TX: 2004 © 2004 Univ. of Texas Press all rights reserved pages copied are limited to "fair use" excerpts |
[ 88 ]
Stephens' attempts to conflate the antiquities of Mesoamerica and the Unoted Stares parallelled the efforts of his contemporary and fellow New Yorker, Joseph Smith, Jr., the founder of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, howeverm proposed both a historical and a spiritual alignment between the two archaeological traditions. The recipient of angelic visitations and heavenly visions throughout the 1820s, Smith founded his religious movement in 1830 following the discovery of a divinely revealed account telling of ancient Israelite communities who had flourished in the Americas. Publishing this sacred text as the Book of Mormon in 1830, Smith confirmed the document's historical validity by crediting its presumed authors with the construction of the ancient cities and earthworks found throughout North and Central America. JOSEPH SMITH AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF REVELATION 89 Although Stephens lent no credence to Smith's revelations, he recognized the boldness of Smith's assertions in the first volume of his Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan. Citing the "volumes without number that have been written about the first peopling of America," Stephens catalogues the various theories proposed by authors from the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries; "not to be behindhand," he adds, "an enterprising American has turned the tables on the Old World, and planted the ark itself within the state of New York" -- a reference to Smith's discovery of the sacred text in the hills of his native upstate New York. [1] However different their agendas may have been, Stephens and Smith were unoted on their effort to "turn the tables on the Old World" by establishing the North American continent's cultural independence from Europe. Although Smith's belief in the ancient colonization of the Americas contradicted Stephens' argument for the monuments' indigenous authorship, the Mormon leader nonetheless considered the development of Mesoamerican civilization, particularly in religious evolution, as a phenomenon distinct from Old World models. Furthermore, guided by the same sense of manifest destiny that had shaped Stephens' work, Smith sought to establish the United States as the principal heir to this archaeological legacy. In the minds of Smith and subsequent Mormon Church leaders, the special consequence of unifying ancient North America and Central American cultures far surpassed the relatively modest nationalist goals of Stephens' work. Seeking nothing less than the re-creation of Zion on the North American continent, Smith founded his mission upon the belief that God had led his chosen people to America in ancient times. Settling in "the land Bountiful," as Yucatan is described in the Book of Mormon, these Israelites represented the first stage of a divine plan for American civilization. Upon the revelation of this ancient history, and Smith's subsequent call to reunite God's American "chosen ones." the Mormon leaders proclaimed that the fulfillment of God's plan for the continent was at hand. The Book of Mormon is constructed as a historical narrative, relating the story of ancient American colonization, the subsequent progress of civilization on the continent, and the ultimate demise of this culture around the fifth century A.D. Paralleling the structure of the Old Testament, the first half of the Mormon text establoshes God's covenantal relationship with the chosen people, the descendants of a single family of immigrants from Jerusalem. Speaking through ancient __________ 1. Stephens, Central America, 1:96-97. 90 ROMANCING THE MAYA American prophets and high priests, God instructs the growing nation on the coming fulfillment of this covenant, to be signaled by the appearance of a savior and the establishment of a new spiritual order. The second half of the Book of Mormon presents an American version of the New Testament, chronicling Jesus Christ's appearance in the Americas and his establishment of the early church there. Tracing the development of this early American church through the fifth century, the Book of Mormon relates the chosen people's eventual loss of faith and ultimate annihilation. To preserve the original covenant, however, God arranges for the group's historical records to be sealed until a "latter day" prophet would be called to restore the American church. Though the Book of Mormon first appeared in print in 1830, Smith's testimony regarding its source remained unpublished for another eight years. In the 1838 introduction [sic - 1842 Times and Seasons"] to the Book of Mormon, Smith recounted that during the night of September 21, 1823, an angel named Moroni had appeared to him, informing him of "an account of the former inhabitants of this continent, and the source from which they spring." [2] Describing this record as a hieroglyphic text written on golden tablets, Moroni explained that he had transcribed the text himself during his earthly existence and had huried the document in A.D. 421. Immediately following this visitation, Moroni conducted Smith to an earthen mound near the town of Manchester, New York, where he directed Smith to execavate the text, hidden within a small stone vault. Following four [sic] subsequent visitations from Moroni, occuring between 1821 and 1827, Smith claimed he was endowed with the piwer to unseal this container and retreive the tablets. Although the text onotially appeared indecopherable to Smoth, he explained, Moroni brought him two mystical stones called the Urim and Thummim to aid him in his translation. With these tools, Smith spent the next three years translating the plates, eventually returning them to Moroni for their heavenly assumption. Anticipating readers' skeptocism concerning the plates, Smith provided a signed testimony by eleven chosen witnesses, whose number -- adding Smith himself -- equaled that of Christ's twelve apostles. In speaking of the plates, these men attested "[w]e did handle them," adding that the text had "the appearance of an ancient work, and was of curious workmanship." [3] Smith remained silent on the precise appearance and archaeological provenience of this mysterious text, yet his descriptions of the work conform to contemporary conceptions regarding the manufacture, arachaeological context, and written language systems of pre-Columbian artifacts. First, by asserting that the __________ 2. Joseph Smith, trans., The Book of Mormon: An Account Written by the Hand of Mormon upon Plates Taken from the Plates of Nephi and Translated by Joseph Smith, Jr. (E. B. Grandin, New York: 1838), p. iii. Aside from references to this introductory section of the Book of Mormon, I will use the book-chapter-verse citation format commonly applied to biblical citations. Furthermore, in accordance with the Mormon Church's practice, references to the Book of Mormon will not be italicized. 3. Ibid., p. ii. JOSEPH SMITH AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF REVELATION 91 tablets had been crafted in gold, Smith tapped into age-old assumptions concerning the abundance of this material in ancient Mesoamerica. Second, because it was linked to an archaeological excavation, Smith's discovery resembled the similar, albeit less spectacular, retrieval of pre-Columbian artifacrs from upstate New York's ancient earthworks and burial mounds. Most important, the text that Smith translated represented a pictographic language system unlike any het deciphered, including the Egyptian hieroglyphic system, whose legibility had been recently demonstrated by Jean-Francois Champollion in the 1820s. In the 1830s the only known, and undecophered, hieroglyphic system was that found at ancient Mesoamerican sites in Mexico and Central America. Given the geographical links that Smith later insisted uponbetween the Book of Mormon and Latin America, he clearly intended readers to connect his tablets' hieroglyphics with those found in this region. Furthermore, although Smith's specific use of the Urim and Thummim stones remains unclear, readers of the Book of Mormon could easily have linked them with Champollion's Rosetta stone -- a translation aid, carved in stone and written in parallel-text format, [4] In translating his own hieroglyphic text, Smith's accomplishment both equaled Champollion's and surpassed that of contemporary Mesoamerican explorers, for whom the Maya writing remained a mystery (the Maya "code," in fact, would not be broken until the 1960s). According to the account of Smith and the eleven witnesses, the plates discovered in 1827 represented two distinct groups. The largest set, consisting primarily of the plates of Nephi and Mormon, related the history of the migration and subsequent division of the family of Lehi. Conflating Lehi's mission with the Judeo-Cgristian rarratives of both Adam's and Jesus' testing, these plates tell of Lehi's initial feat of endurance in the desert, followed by his partaking of fruit from the Tree of Life. Rather than damning Lehi and his descendants, this act confirmed their status as God's new chosen people and situated Lehi as the Adam of the New World. [5] The Book of Mormon relates that Lehi's family, crafting divinely engineered boats [sic - a boat?] "of curious workmanship" complete with navigational compasses [sic - compass?], emigrated from Jerusalem to Central America in 590 B.C. Although Smith does not supply Lehi's precise geographical landing point in the Book of Mormon, Frederick Williams attributed a statement to Smith in 1836 that placed this point "on the continent of South America, in Chili, 30 degrees south latitude"; [6] such a statement would explain the subsequent south-to-north migration of Lehi's family. In 1855, __________ 4. Discovered in August 1799, the so-called Rosetta stone had provided Champollion and his three rivals, Antoine Silvestre de Sacy, Thomas Young, and Johann David Akerblad, with the means to decipher the Egyptian pictographic system. Working throughout the 1810s and 1820s, Champollion and a team of assistants deciphered the Ptolemaic decree that had been written on the stone in three languages -- hieroglyphic Egyptian, a form of Arabic, and Greek. Given the popular interest in Champollion's work, it is reasonable to assume Mormons' familiarity with this parallel-text translation aid. Jean Vercoutter, The Search for Ancient Egypt (Harry N. Abrams, New York: 1992), pp. 88-91. 5. Smith, Book of Mormon, 1 Nephi 8:10-18. 6. The description of these boats' "Curious workmanship" (1 Nephi 18:1) directly recalls the witnesses' account of the plates themselves; the ships' compasses, which represent one of the Book of Mormon's greatest anachronisms, are mentioned in 1 Nephi 18:12. Frederick Williams, cited in John Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Deseret Book Co., Salt Lake City: 1985), p. 1. 92 ROMANCING THE MAYA Mormon leader Parley Pratt confirmed this location, writing that Lehi had "landed safely pn the coast of what is now called Chili (sic), in South America." [7] The Book of Mormon relates that soon after Lehi's arrival and subsequent northern migration, his family split into two opposing groups known as the Nephites and the Lamanites, whose rivalry constitutes the plates' primary narrative. Accompanying the golden plates that Smith had discovered were the so-called Plates of Brass, presumably an Old World medium, comprising the five books of Moses that Lehi had brought with him to the New World, Smith's inclusion of this text both established the Book of Mormon's historical and textual links with the Judeo-Christian scriptural tradition and reinforced Lehi's genealogical heritage. The second principal set of tablets, a single group known as the plates of Ether, recorded the rise and fall of the Jaredites, an ancient American civilization that had vanished before Lehi's arrival on the continent. The Jaredites, according to the Book of Mormon, had emigrated from the Near East to North America following the fall of the Tower of Babel described in the Bible's book of Genesis. [8] The destruction of Babel is traditionally dated to 600 B.C. [sic], or immediately prior to Lehi's arrival, although the Jaredites' abandoned settlements were not discovered by Lehi's descendants until several centuries later. [9] It was on the site of the abandoned Jaredite communities in upstate New York, the Book of Mormon relates, that the Lamanites ultimately destroyed the Nephites in A.D. 421. At this final battle the Nephite prophet-historian Moroni had hidden the plates on the hilltop near present-day Manchester, consigning his people's history to obscurity until Smith's 1827 revelation. Smith's belief that Mesoamerica had been colonized by the Israelites belonged to a long tradition of similar origin theories proposed by North American scholars, although Smith's particular characterization of this migration represents a marked departure from earlier theories. From the first period of English colonization on the continent, Puritan settlers had metaphorically identified with the Jews of the Old Testament, citing their similar search for a "promised land" in which they could worship without the threat of persecution. In the latter seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, this association evolved into a more liberal interpretation supported by Roger Williams, William Penn, the Mather brothers, and even President Ezra Stiles of Yale -- all of whom believed that the lost tribes of Israel had founded ancient North American civilization. [10] The crucial difference between their belief and Smith's proposed Israelite migration, however, lies in Smith's dating of Lehi's departure from Jerusalem. __________ 7. Parley Pratt, A Key to the Science of Theology (F. D. Richards, Liverpool: 1855), p. 23. 8. The account of the Tower of Babel appears in Genesis 11:1-8. 9. This discovery is related in the eighth chapter of the Book of Mosiah, as well as the twenty-first chapter of the Book of Alma. 10. Robert Wauchope, Lost Tribes and Sunken Continents: Myth and Method in the Study of American Indians (University of Chicago Press, Chicago: 1975), p. 57. JOSEPH SMITH AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF REVELATION 93 Historically, the disappearance of the ten lost tribes followed their abduction by the king of Assyria in 721 B.C. Of the twelve original tribes, all of whom were descended from the sons of Jacob, there remained only the tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and a portion of Manasseh, all of whom continued to live in Jerusalem until the city's fall in 586 B.C. [11] According to Smith's reckoning, Lehi had embarked upon his voyage more than 130 years following the Assyrian captivity-consequently, his family belonged not to the ten lost tribes abducted by the Assyrians but rather to the surviving tribes of Judah and Benjamin. Lehi's connection to these two tribes bore specific ideological implications. By aligning ancient American civilization with the surviving branches of Israel rather than with the lost tribes, Smith invested his charge for the reconciliation of God's "chosen peoples" with a greater sense of immediacy. Because his church belonged to the genealogical lineage of Jacob, Smith's latter-day reestablishment of Israel was characterized as a new stage within a continuous, living tradition. The "literal gathering of Israel" that Smith had been called to accomplish depended upon the American church's unbroken line of succession from Jacob and, by extension, from Abraham himself. Smith's establishment of an ancient pedigree for the Mormon Church must be seen in light of contemporary efforts to "primitivize" American Christianity through the rejection of European theological models. Gathering momentum in the 1820s, the American evangelical movement known as the Second Great Awakening had achieved its greatest success in the upstate New York region of Smith's upbringing. It was there that the itinerant preacher Charles Grandison Finney had established his Utica-based revival movement in 1826, aimed at the dismantling of Calvinist, European-derived Protestantism. [12] By the middle of the next decade the region had hosted so many revivals, and had witnessed such an intense uprising of religious fervor, that the area became known as the "burned-over district." New York revivalists believed that the Reformation had failed to correct the corruptions of medieval Catholic doctrine, and they therefore called for a restoration of Christianity as it had been lived in the time of the apostles. [13] Because this evangelical movement shunned religious orthodoxy of any sort, it proved particularly supportive of any sect falling outside the Protestant denominational framework; even the proto-religious practices of American Freemasonry, which had fallen under general attack by mainstream Protestants in the 1820s, were encouraged by the primitivists. [14] The early and rapid acceptance of Mormon __________ 11. Before his departure, Lehi had in fact predicted the imminent fall of Jerusalem, a factor that led to his expulsion from the city and subsequent emigration. Smith, Book of Mormon, 1 Nephi 20. 12. Jan Ships, Mormonism: The Story of a New Religious Tradition (University of Chicago Press, Chicago: 1985), p. 7. 13. Robert L. Millet, ed., Joseph Smith: Selected Sermons and Writings (Paulist Press, Mahwah, N.J.: 1989), p. 9. 14. Ships, Mormonism, p. 7. 94 ROMANCING THE MAYA revelation in New York, then, derived from the restorationists' embrace of any doctrine that promoted personal experience of the gospel, a return to early historical models of the church, and the rejection of Old World Protestantism. Codifying these tenets in the Mormon Articles of Faith, composed in 1842, Smith called on Latter-day Saints to profess: " [W]e believe in the same organization that existed in the primitive church.... We believe in the literal gathering of Israel, and that Zion will be built on this continent." [15] Smith's reconstitution of American Christianity was founded upon the belief that Christ had appeared in the Americas immediately following his crucifixion and resurrection in Jerusalem. Representing the Mormon Church's central Article of Faith, Christ's American visitation paralleled his messianic mission in Israel. As the Book of Mormon relates, Christ appeared at the Nephites' Tower of Sherrizah in A.D. 34, following the proclamations of the Mormon prophet Samuel (the ancient American counterpart to John the Baptist). During his residence among the Nephites, Christ redelivered his Sermon on the Mount, gave instructions for conducting baptism and Holy Communion, and adopted a group of twelve American apostles. [16] Contemporary editions of the Book of Mormon include illustrations of Samuel's proclamation and Christ's appearance to the Nephites, as envisioned by Mormon artist Arnold Friberg. In each of these scenes, Friberg contextualizes the narrative within an architectural setting based upon well-known models of Puuc-style Maya and Teotihuacano architecture. In the image depicting Samuel's proclamation, the temple before which the prophet stands features the characteristic stone latticework and centralized Chac mask of Uxmal's Nunnery complex; similarly, Friberg models the Tower of Sherrizah, upon which Christ appears to the Nephites, on the stepped masonry platforms of Teotihuacan's Avenue of the Dead. [17] Although these illustrations belong to the modern era rather than to the nineteenth century, they parallel the nineteenth-century Mormons' connection between specific archaeological sites and events described in the Book of Mormon. Specific textual confirmations for such correspondences are discussed below. The Book of Mormon relates that the spread of Christianity in the Americas, as in the eastern Mediterranean, was apostolically driven and characterized by clashes with traditional Jewish and pagan cultures-specifically, the Nephites' struggle to proselytize their unbelieving and increasingly idolatrous Lamanite brothers. Although the evangelical experience of the first-century Nephites mirrored that of the New Testament church, however, their constituency did not. In __________ 15. The Mormon Articles of Faith were first articulated by Smith in a letter to John Wentworth, the editor of the Chicago Democrat, who had asked the Mormon leader in 1842 for a history of the church. The text of the letter, later considered a sacred scripture, first appeared in the Mormon's official newspaper, Times and Seasons, on March 1, 1842. See Millet, Joseph Smith, pp. 107-108. 16. Smith, Book of Mormon, 3 Nephi 11:24-28 and 12:11-30. 17. The Mormon Church has denied permission to reproduce Friberg's images here, but they are easily found within any contemporary copy of the Book of Mormon. JOSEPH SMITH AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF REVELATION 95 contrast to the Jewish and gentile membership of the early Pauline church, the Nephite faithful all claimed direct descent from Israel-representing an independent, and implicitly superior, branch of Christianity. Such descriptions of pre-European apostolic activity in the Americas were not without precedent. Throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, missionaries in New Spain had often expressed the belief that St. Thomas had preached the gospel in the Americas. [18] By the end of the eighteenth century, this belief fueled a Mexican nationalist agenda in the sermons of Dominican friar Servando Teresa de Mier; revising the story of the Virgin of Guadalupe's miraculous visitation, Mier asserted in a 1794 sermon that the recipient of the vision had been St. Thomas, rather than the indio Juan Diego, and that the miracle had occurred in ancient times -- when St. Thomas and his four apostles had undertaken an evangelical mission to the Americas. [19] By relying upon Mexicans' fervent devotion to the Guadalupana, Mier thus established a regional connection to the early Christian church that, like the Mormons' account, bypassed the post-conquest establishment of Mesoamerican Christianity. By proposing that American Christianity had developed in isolation from Europe, Smith's religious agenda neatly mirrored Stephens' later archaeological claims. For both, Mesoamerican ruins provided evidence of the North American continent's -- and by extension, the United States' -- connection to an ancient culture rivaling that of the Old World. Assigning distinct geographical zones to each of the Book of Mormon's principal groups, Smith claimed the widest possible range of archaeological sites as confirmation for his divine revelation. Although the Book of Mormon provides no precise mapping of these groups' settlements, its descriptions of their distinctive geographical features and differing architectural styles are clearly intended to imply specific known sites and archaeologically substantiated building types. In a passage from the eighth chapter of Mosiah, the Book of Mormon relates the Nephites' discovery of the Jaredite settlements that had flourished before their arrival. Exploring the "north country" near "the land of many waters," the Nephites found "a land which was covered with bones of men... and with ruins of buildings of every kind"; from these ruins the Nephites learned to create round earthworks ringed with stone "pickets," defensive ditches, low mud towers, and burial mounds. [20] Noting the direct correspondence between Jaredite building techniques and the ancient mounds discovered in the Great Lakes and Mississippi Valley regions, Vermont's Battleboro Messenger stated in 1830 that "the Book __________ 18. Jacques Lafaye provides the fullest treatment of this enduring colonial-era belief in Quetzalcoatl and Guadalupe: The Formation of Mexican National Consciousness, 1531-1813, trans. Benjamin Keen (University of Chicago Press, Chicago: 1976). 19. Ibid., 262-266, and Benjamin Keen, The Aztec Image in Western Thought (Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, N.J.: 1971), p. 304. 20. Smith, Book of Mormon, Mosiah 8:8 and Alma 50:1-5. 96 ROMANCING THE MAYA of Mormon could have been designed to explain the ancient fortifications and other things seen in the west. [21] [21] By the 1820S, numerous pre-Columbian mounds had been discovered near the New York towns of Onondaga, Pompey, Manlius, Oxford, Jamesville, Ridgeway, and Canandaigua -- all of which conformed to the general description of Jaredite ruins in the Book of Mormon. At least eight of these mounds, in fact, could be found within a twelve-mile radius of the Smith family's farm near Palmyra. [22] An ancient burial mound near Canandaigua serves as an illustrative example of these works. Located less than ten miles from the presumed site of the golden tablets' discovery, this earthen enclosure was described by Ephraim Squier in his 1851 Antiquities of the State of New York as "circular in plan with a single opening," featuring a ring of post holes and containing "human bones in considerable quantities." [23] Squier's description of the site's silhouette, which appeared at first glance to be the "brow of a hill," equally conformed to Smith's descriptions of the earthen mound from which he had retrieved the tablets. Not only did such mounds provide an architectural record of the Jaredite civilization, but the skeletal remains at these sites also seemed to support Smith's location of the Nephite Armageddon. In at least two instances, authors writing before the publication of the Book of Mormon had also hypothesized that these burial mounds represented the aftermath of a large-scale battle. In 18l7, for example, former New York governor DeWitt Clinton had written that a mound in New York's Genesee County contained piles of skeletons "deposited there by their conquerors." [24] Later, John Yates and Joseph Moulton had written in their 1824 History of the State of New-York that the area's mounds represented the work of light-skinned peoples destroyed by ancient Native American tribes. The ethnic distinction that these authors drew between conqueror and conquered is noteworthy, given Smith's later characterization of the Nephite-Lamanite conflict. Yates and Moulton's work also lent credence to Smith's assumption that New York's mounds formed the first part of a chain of antiquities running down through Mexico.[25] Revealing a certain regional chauvinism, perhaps, Smith assigned the greatest antiquity to those mounds near "the great waters" (presumably the Great Lakes) -- not only glorifying his native New York but also firmly anchoring the first American civilization within the borders of the United States. [26] The Book of Mormon cites the Jaredites as the continent's first true architects, yet it credits the Nephites with constructing the great cities and religious centers of Mesoamerica, which, according to Mormon tradition, were built between the __________ 21. Battleboro Messenger (Vermont), October 30, 1830; cited in Dan Vogel, Indian Origins and the Book of Mormon: Religious Solutions from Columbus to Joseph Smith (Signature Books, New York: 1986), p. 30. 22. Fawn Brodie, No Man Knows My History: The Life of Joseph Smith (Alfred A. Knopf, New York: 1976), p. 19. 23. Ephraim G. Squier, Antiquities of the State of New York: Being the Results of Extensive Original Surveys and Explorations (George H. Derby and Co., New York: 1851), p. 55. Although many of Squier's surveys were original, most of his explorations were not; mounds such as the one at Canandaigua and others had been known for decades. 24. DeWitt Clinton, "A Memoir on the Antiquities of the Western Parts of the State of New York Transactions of the Literary and Philosophical Society of New York 2 (Albany, N.Y.: 18l5-1825), p. 82. 25. John Yates and Joseph Moulton, History of the State of New-York (Hoffman and White, Albany, N.Y.: 1824), Pp. 19-20. Although these branches of Lehi's family were related by blood, the Lamanites were characterized as darker-skinned -- leading to the Mormons' insistence that this group formed the ethnic foundation of all native North American tribes. 26. Smith, Book of Mormon, Helaman 3:4. JOSEPH SMITH AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF REVELATION 97 mid-fifth century B.C. and the fourth century A.D. Smith's text provides detailed descriptions of the Jaredite fortifications, yet its references to the Nephites' stone buildings and vast temples tend to be more impressionistic -- largely because the archaeology of this region was only slightly known in the United States prior to Stephens' 1841 publication. [27] Smith's geographical siting of these works is equally vague. Settling in the "Narrow Neck of Land" later identified by Mormon leaders as the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, the Nephites colonized eastward toward the "Land of Bountiful," or present-day Yucatan, establishing settlements in the "Land Southward," corresponding to lower Central America. [28] Unlike the Jaredites, the Nephites built in stone, excelled in the use of cement, and established large urban centers characterized by platform towers. [29] The first construction in the region, directed by the prophet Nephi, had been built "after the manner of the Temple of Solomon" -- a reference that, given the nineteenth- century's differing versions of this lost structure, could have suggested a range of visual possibilities. [30] In their colonization of the "Land Northward" by contrast, the Nephites favored "tabernacles of clay," a possible reference to the Pueblo tradition of building in adobe. [31] Aided by angel-architects, the Nephites built masonry fortifications to defend themselves against the Lamanites, the cursed branch of the family of Lehi. [32] Described as "a dark, filthy, and loathsome people," the Lamanites are denounced for their failure to build permanent structures; "they lived in the wilderness and dwelt in tents," the Book of Mormon explains, adding that "they were spread throughout the wilderness on the west." [33] It was the Lamanites, the Mormon Church maintains, from whom all later North and Central American ethnic groups are descended -- a factor that propelled the Mormons' later nineteenth-century missionary efforts in Mexico and among native North American groups. Smith's descriptions of Lamanite shelters as "tents" were no doubt intended to evoke images of the contemporary Plains Indian tipi; added to the Jaredites' earthwork fortifications and the Nephites' stone palaces and "clay tabernacles," these tents completed Smith's inventory of all known indigenous American architectural types. [34] As the Nephites prospered and "spread forth into all parts of the land," de- scribed in the third chapter of the Book of Helaman, they banished the nomadic Lamanites ever farther northward -- a reservationist policy resembling that of the mid-nineteenth-century United States toward Native American groups. All along their approach to the region of the Great Lakes, the Nephites continued to build __________ 27. Vogel, Indian Origins, p. 26. 28. Although the ancient setting of the Book of Mormon is clearly centered in Mesoamerica, rather than South America, church leaders hypothesized a South American landing point for Lehi's family. See introduction, n. 4. 29. Smith, Book of Mormon, 2 Nephi 5:16, Helaman 3:7, and Alma 50:13. 30. Ibid., 2 Nephi 5:i6-17. 31. Ibid., Mosiah 2:5. 32. "Moroni did employ his men in preparing for war, yea, and in making fortifications to guard against the Lamanites"; ibid., Alma 53:7. 33. Ibid., Mormon 5:1 and Alma 22:28. 34. Given the Lamanites' ancestry, it is clear that their preference for tents is linked to the established, nomadic traditions of Semitic peoples (rather than representing a new development). It is this connection, in fact, that strengthens the Mormon belief in Native Americans' Hebrew origins. 98 ROMANCING THE MAYA fortifications to protect outpost settlements from the Lamanites, often using the abandoned jaredite settlements as an architectural palimpsest for their own works. [35] Ultimately, the two groups fatally clashed at the battle of Cumorah, in present-day upstate New York -- the so-called Land of Desolation, named for the bone-strewn former homeland of the Jaredites. Following this battle, the victorious Lamanites represented the sole survivors of Lehi's original family. [36] Significantly, the fourteen-century period between the destruction of the Nephites in A.D. 421 and Smith's revelation of 1827 directly corresponds to the fifteen-hundred-year development of Christianity in Europe. For Smith and his followers, this period marked the corruption of the early apostolic Church, leading to the excesses of Catholicism and the perceived failures of the Reformation. By eliding this period between the fifth and nineteenth centuries and allying the contemporary faithful with the last members of the early American church, Smith's revelations ensured the Latter-day Saints' independence from the historical framework of European Christianity. Owing nothing to the Old world, the Mormon Church would rise directly from the ashes of Cumorah itself. The fifteen-hundred-year lapse in the Mormon historical narrative is partially bridged by the Book of Mormon's occasional allusions to the continent's post-421 history -- most importantly, its apparent predictions of the Spanish conquest and the establishment of the United States. While God promises the Nephites that their land will be "kept from the knowledge of other nations" and that "there shall be none to molest them, nor to take away the land of their inheritance," he requires in turn that they keep his commandments. [37] Predicting a time when "their land will be full of idols," however, Nephite prophets foresaw that God would "bring other nations unto them, and He will give unto them power, and He will take away from them the lands of their possessions" such that "many houses shall be desolate and great and fair cities without inhabitant." [38] Though these Nephite prophecies may also refer to the future Lamanite occupation of the Nephite territories, they appear to imply an invasion by a new group, a country formerly ignorant of these lands. Following this period of punitive occupation, the Book of Mormon asserts, God would create a new nation on the continent, a great "land of liberty where no king shall rule," a powerful country that God would "fortify against all other nations." [39] Though these prophecies are intentionally vague, their implication is clear. The future, foreign occupation of the Nephite territory is characterized as retributive intervention, a period when their culture would suffer the same fate as __________ 35. Vogel, Indian Origins, pp. 30-31. 36. One of the great inconsistencies in Smith's doctrines is that, whereas he claimed his followers' genealogical descent from the Nephites, the Book of Mormon asserts that the group was entirely destroyed at the Battle of Cumorah. 37. Smith, Book of Mormon, 2 Nephi 1:8-9 and j:ii. 38. Ibid., 2 Nephi 12:8 and 15:19. 39. Ibid., 2 Nephi 10:11. JOSEPH SMITH AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF REVELATION 99 that of the Jaredites. By contrast, the ultimate creation of the "land of liberty," Smith's thinly disguised reference to the United States, represents the fulfillment of God's original promise to his chosen people. By casting Spain and the United States in opposing villain/savior roles, Smith echoed Stephens' characterization of the conquest. For both, the Spanish occupation is perceived as an anomalous interruption of local culture that only the enlightened United States could restore. The publication of Stephens and Catherwood's Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan in 1841 provided the Mormon Church with spectacular confirmation for the existence of the Nephites' civilization. Within the same year, Charles Blancher Thompson published his Evidence in Proof of the Book of Mormon, the first in a long line of Mormon-authored works situating Stephens' discoveries within their presumed Nephite contexts. For Thompson and subsequent Mormon scholars, the explorer's writings and Catherwood's powerful images provided proof "sufficient to show the public that the people whose history is contained within the Book of Mormon are the author of these works." [40] In the year following Thompson's publication, the editor of the Mormon Church's newspaper Times and Seasons, cited Stephens' work as well, proposing the first tentative correspondence between a Nephite settlement and a specific Mesoamerican site: The (Nephite) city of Zarahemla, burnt at the crucifixion of the Savior, and rebuilt afterwards, stood upon this land.... We are not going to declare positively that the ruins of Quirigua are those of Zarahemla, but when the land and the stones and the books tell the story so plain, we are of the opinion that it would require more proof than the Jews could bring to prove the disciples stole the body of Jesus from the tomb, (than) to prove the ruins of the city in question are not those referred to in the Book of Mormon. [41] Not only did the Mormons establish a correspondence between Nephite sites and those discovered by Stephens, but they also began to favor his geographical labels over the Book of Mormon's more vague terminology. Writing for the Mormons' Millennial Star in 1848, for example, Orson Pratt first cited the Nephites' occupation of Yucatan -- rather than the "Land of Bountiful." [42] In the next decade Mormon leader John Taylor addressed Stephens' supposed archaeological confirmation in a way that extended not only Stephens' dating of the ruins but the chronology of the Book of Mormon itself. In a lengthy 1851 essay __________ 40. Charles Blancher Thompson, Evidence in Proof of the Book of Mormon (C. B. Thompson, Batavia, N.Y.: 1841), p. 101 41. Times and Seasons, October 1, 1842, p. 927. 42. Orson Pratt, in Latter-day Saints' Millennial Star, no. 10 (November 1848), p. 347. In this passage Pratt writes that "the Nephites inhabited Yucatan at the time they were driven from the land southward." 100 ROMANCING THE MAYA for the Millennial Star, entitled "The Discovery of Ruins," Taylor asserted that there is the most incontrovertible evidence exhibited in the symbolic writings and inscriptions upon every part of these dilapidated monuments," adding that they were erected in "a period in the age of the world of which all history is silent." [43] Arguing that the ruins represented a far greater antiquity than had previously been believed, Taylor asserted that the peoples from the Book of Mormon "existed not only for a great length of time since the building of the Egyptian pyramids, but contemporary with them, and what is more wonderful still, far back and yet farther into the mazes of antiquity." [44] A high-ranking member of the Mormon Church and Brigham Young's eventual successor as its president, Taylor was supported by the full weight of church authority -- justifying his claims, as Smith had before him, on the basis of spiritual rather than archaeological evidence. [45] Having survived its stormy first decades and the 1847 establishment of the "New Jerusalem" in Salt Lake City, Utah, the Mormon Church turned its attention in the 1850s to recalling its Lamanite brethren. Parley Pratt's "Address to the Red Man," printed in the Millennial Star in 1852, declared to Native American tribes that "you are a Branch of the House of Israel, you are descended from the Jews," and that, following Smith's revelation, "your history, your Gospel, your destiny is revealed." [46] Heeding Pratt's call, the frontiersman and Mexican-American War veteran Daniel Jones led the church's mission to the Native American tribes. His efforts later resulted in a commercially popular, Catlinesque narrative entitled Forty Years among the Indians (1890), yet Jones' activities failed to secure the general support of either Native American tribes or the Mormon Church's membership -- each ultimately considering the other a culturally incompatible partner. [47] Jones's proselytizing efforts among the Lamanites' descendants embraced the indigenous peoples of Mexico and Central America as well, where the Mormon Church had attempted to establish missionary ties as early as the 1850s. By reuniting the continent's "remnants of the House of Jacob' Mormon leaders believed they would hasten Christ's Second Coming and his establishment of the New Kingdom. [48] During the bitter political and military struggles that took place between Utah and the federal government in the 1850s and 1860s, however, Mormon president Brigham Young recalled all of the church's missionaries to defend Salt Lake City in the so-called Utah War. The mission to Mexico remained stalled until 1874. In that year, Young announced that the time had arrived to reclaim Lehi's __________ 43. John Taylor, "The Discovery of Ruins," Latter-day Saints' Millennial Star, no. 13 (March 1851), pp. 93-94. 44. Ibid., p. 93. 45. One of the Mormon Church's tenets of faith is its belief in the gift of continual revelation; this power is extended not only to church leaders but also to members of the laity. 46. Parley Pratt, "Address to the Red Man," Latter-day Saints' Millennial Star, no. 14 (September 1852), p. 469. 47. The full title of Jones' work echoes that of Catlin's i844 publication: Forty Years among the Indians: A True yet Thrilling Narrative of the Author's Experience among the Natives (Juvenile Instruction Office, Salt Lake City: 1890; repr. Westernlore Press, Los Angeles: 1960). The Mormons' thwarted efforts to convert Native American tribes are noted in F. LaMond Tullis, Mormons in Mexico: The Dynamics of Faith and Culture (Utah University Press, Logan: 1987), p. 6. 48. Tullis, Mormons in Mexico, p. 13. JOSEPH SMITH AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF REVELATION 101 Mexican descendants. [49] Sending the first Mormon delegation to Mexico with Jones in 1876, Young embarked on an intensive program of Mormon colonization and proselytizing in Latin America. The missionaries' reception in Mexico, unlike that among Native American tribes, proved particularly warm. Not only did post-Reform Mexico encourage the establishment of non-Catholic churches, but, following the humiliating French occupation of the country in the 1860s, Mexican liberals embraced the image of historical legitimacy offered by the Mormons. [50] Adopting potent symbols of the Aztec past, the church glorified ancient Mesoamerican culture in ways that flattered their new converts. Establishing religious chapters in Mexico City, for example, church leaders chose such Nahua-associated names as "Moctezuma," "Aztecas" and "Netzahualcoyotl." In a more overt gesture in 1881, Mormon missionaries celebrated the fifty-first anniversary of the Mormon Church in a formal prayer ceremony atop the sacred Aztec volcano Popocate'petl. [51] Capitalizing on the locations powerful religious significance, the missionaries thus cemented the church's connection to the Mesoamerican past while implying the supremacy of their new, American, religious order. In its eagerness to encourage settlement of its sparsely populated northern territories, the Mexican government supported Young's efforts to establish permanent Mormon communities in the region -- a policy that led to the rapid development of Mormon missions in the Casas Grandes area in the 1880s. The arrangement proved mutually beneficial, for both the Mormon Church and the Mexican republic were united in their distrust of the U.S. government. By creating a safe haven for Mormons and a strengthened buffer zone for the Mexicans, these mission communities represented a rather benign form of manifest destiny. As Jones explained to a Mexican customs officer in 1876, "the Mormons had sent us to look for land to settle, as we were growing and wished new country," adding that, in contrast to the U.S. federal government, the Mormons were "friends to the red man" who hoped to live in peace with their new neighbors. [52] Addressing his fellow Americans' distrust of the Mormon mission to Mexico in 1876, Young asserted the church's commitment to religious and territorial colonization throughout North America: It has been the cry of late, through the columns of the newspapers, that the "Mormons" are going to Mexico! That is quite right, we intend to go there.... We intend to hold our own here, and also penetrate the north and the south, the east and the west... and to raise the ensign of truth; we will continue to grow, to increase and spread abroad, and the powers of earth and hell combined cannot hinder it. [53]__________ 49. Jones, Forty Years among the Indians, p. 211. 50. Tullis, Mormons in Mexico, p. 25. 51. Ibid., p. 41. 52. Jones, Forty Years among the Indians, p. 239. 53. Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses 18, pp. 355-356; cited in Tullis, Mormons in Mexico, p. 32. 102 ROMANCING THE MAYA Young's words reflect the Latter-day Saints' particularly aggressive, and successful, efforts to penetrate the farthest reaches of the continent in this period, just as they believed their Nephite ancestors had done. From a relatively small sect in the 1830s, the Mormon Church had grown to nearly sixty thousand members by the close of the 1870s. [54] Although the Mormon Church's rapid growth had led to its persecution in the United States, marked by Smith's assassination in 1844 and the Utah Wars of the 1850s and 1860s, the Latter-day Saints' missionary philosophy mirrored the nineteenth-century US. program of territorial expansion. In their crusade to reunite the "remnants of Jacob" in North America, Mormon leaders scripturally confirmed the United States' sense of precedence on the continent while creating a membership that transcended national boundaries. Like Stephens before him, Smith succeeded in subsuming Mesoamerican antiquities within a broader, North American historical narrative that not only excluded European influence but also divorced contemporary Latin Americans from any direct link to the monuments. [55] Furthermore, each supported the United States' sense of manifest destiny on the continent by contextualizing this monumental past as the first strata of "American," or U.S., civilization -- an epoch that constituted the country's cultural or, in Smith's case, religious, foundation. While Stephens' argument for cultural consolidation derived from the geographic proximity of the United States to the ruins, however, the Mormon Church claimed this shared culture on the irrefutable grounds of spiritual destiny. It is for this reason that, even in the wake of twentieth-century professional archaeology, the strength of Mormon claims to the region has grown proportionally with its increase in membership. [56] __________ 54. Foner and Garraty, Reader's Companion, p. 748. 55. Although the Mormons perceived indigenous groups as the descendants of the Lamanites, they did not recognize the mestizos, or Spanish-derived inhabitants of Latin America, as members of the original Israelite family. 56. Examples of the twentieth-century Mormon Church's interest in Latin American archaeology include Brigham Young University's Archaeology Bulletin and the Mormon-supported New World Archaeological Foundation; both founded in 1953, the Bulletin and the foundation maintain the Nephite basis of Mesoamerican culture. |