Document: 1966 Max H. Parkin thesis (excerpts)
Source: Parkin, Max H., "The Nature and Cause of Internal and External Conflict of the Mormons . . . ," unpublished Master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1966.
Notes: Parkin appears to be one of the first Mormon historians to make any use of Hurlbut's alleged March 13, 1833 threat to be the potential cause Joseph Smith's "destruction," as recorded in Smith's Journal. Although Parkin follows this allegation with a reference to Hurlbut's 1834 "extravagance of threatening the life of the Mormon Prophet, he does not present much additional documentation of the possible serious of this alleged second threat." B. F. Norris wrote on 6 Jan. 6, 1834 that "Smith has four or five armed men to gard him every night;" and the local Justice of the Peace, John C. Dowen in 1885, recalled "Hurlbut said he would 'kill' Jo Smith. He meant he would kill Mormonism. The Mormons urged me to issue a writ against him. I did, as recorded in my Docket, Dec. 27, 1833, on complaint of Joseph Smith." Additional material which might possibly be cited in support of Hurlbut's potential to engage in bringing about Smith's "destruction" may be found in the statements Arthur B. Deming solicited from old Mentor residents (who recalled allegations of Hurlbut's having been involved in the 1837 murder of Garrit Brass).
Although the original of this work is not copyrighted, only limited excerpts are presented here, in consideration of possible copyright infringement upon later editions (published by the LDS Department of Seminaries and Institutes of Religion, etc.).
THE NATURE AND CAUSE OF INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL CONFLICT
OF THE MORMONS IN OHIO BETWEEN 1830 AND 1838
The Department of Graduate Studies in
The College of Religious Instruction
Brigham Young University
In Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for the Degree
Masters of Arts
Max H. Parkin
The Apostasy of Ezra BoothThis discordant teasing by the apostates was to receive considerable
impetus by the defection of Ezra Booth, a Methodist Minister of
Mantua, Geauga County, who was converted to the Church in May 1831. The
means by which he was drawn to Mormonism is one of the most celebrated acts
of healing performed by the Mormon Prophet. The story was preserved by
B. A. Hindsdale [sic - Hinsdale], the president of Hiram College, as he retold
it at the funeral service of Simonds Ryder in 1870. 39
After his conversion Booth went to Hiram, Portage County, on a
short missionary tour. While there he heard Simonds Ryder, a Campbellite
39 President Hindsdale's account of the healing is as follows: "Ezra Booth of Mantua, a Methodist preacher of much more than ordinary culture and with strong natural abilities, in company with his wife, Mr. and Mrs. Johnson and some other citizens of this place [Hiram], visited Smith at his home in Kirtland in 1831. Mrs. Johnson had been afflicted for some time with a lame arm, and was not at the time of the visit able to lift her hand to her head. The party visited Smith partly out of curiosity and partly to see for themselves what there might be in the new doctrines. During the interview, the conversation turned on the subject of supernatural gifts, such as were conferred in the days of the apostles. Some one said, "Here is Mrs. Johnson with a lame arm; has God given any power to men now on the earth to cure her?" A few moments
minister preaching a sermon. Booth requested the opportunity to speak
afterward which Ryder granted. Booth's sermon so impressed Ryder that he
also was determined to visit the saints in Kirtland. While Ryder was in
Kirtland, he heard a young Mormon girl allegedly predict the destruction
of Pekin, China. He was not greatly impressed by his visit to Kirtland,
but the following month he read a newspaper article reporting the
destruction of Pekin. He was so deeply moved by that event that he
joined the Mormon Church. Accordingly he was ordained an elder at the
June, 1831 conference. 40 At that conference Ezra Booth was commissioned
by the Prophet Joseph to participate in the first missionary tour to
Missouri. Simonds Ryder's commission to preach, however, was not included
among the twenty-eight missionaries to go to Missouri, but it did
come later with an unfortunate misspelling of his name. 41 This misspelling
later when the conversation had turned in another direction, Smith rose, and walking across the room, taking Mrs. Johnson by the hand, said in the most solemn and impressive manner: 'Woman, in the name of the Lord Jesus Crist, I command thee to be whole,' and immediately left the room.
The company were awe-stricken at the infinite presumption of the man, and the calm assurance with which he spoke. The sudden mental and moral shock -- I know not how better to explain the well attested fact -- electrified the rheumatic arm -- Mrs. Johnson at once lifted it up with ease, and on her return home the next day she was able to do her washing without difficulty or pain." Cited in A. S. Hayden, "Life and Character of Symonds Ryder [sic]," Early History of the Disciples (Cincinnati: Chase and Hall Publishers, 1876, p. 250.
40 "Far West Record." p. 5.
41 B. H. Roberts, a Church historian, wrote concerning Ryder's faulty spelling, "Both in the letter he received and in the official commission to preach, however his name was spelled R-i-d-e-r instead of R-y-d-e-r." History of the Church, I, p. 261. In Hindsdale's account he only mentions the commission, but not the letter. Said he,"His commission came, and he found his name misspelled." Hayden, op. cit., 252.
perplexed Ryder, and caused him to question the source of such a commission.
While meditating over this problem during the summer, he was
ready to withdraw from the Church upon the return of Ezra Booth from
Missouri in September. When the two men met in late summer, they
found their enchantment for Mormonism was gone, and they were both
ready to speak against the Church....
(remainder of pages 103-116 - not transcribed)
it was expected that Booth's letters would have a ruinous
effect upon the Church. Later in November, 1831, the Ohio Star observed
that the letters were "exerting an important influence in opening the
eyes of many of the really deluded subjects of Mormonism." 83 Ambrose
Palmer, one who was converted to the Church by the preaching of Booth
earlier in the year, noticed that the letters gave Mormonism "such a
coloring or appearance of falsehood, that the public feeling was, that
'Mormonism' was overthrown." 84 The Church sent out a number of the
elders -- including Reynolds Cahoon, David Whitmer, Thomas B. Marsh, and
others -- to visit the branches and thereby lessen the consequence of the
letters upon the Saints. This proved to have an ameliorating effect
upon the Church members and much of the harm that could have resulted was
nullified. The prophet also participated in the campaign against the
letters, for he wrote,
83 Ohio Star, II, No. 42 (October 20, 1831), n. p.
84 "Journal History," December 31, 1831.
From this time [early in December, 1831], until the 8th of 10th of January, 1832, myself and Elder Rigdon continued to preach in Shalersville, Ravenna, and other places, setting forth the truth, vindicating the cause of our Redeemer; showing that the day of vengeance was coming upon this generation like a thief in the night; that prejudice, blindness and darkness filled the minds of many, and caused them to persecute the true Church, and reject the true light; by which means we did much towards allaying the excited feelings which were growing out of the scandalous letters then being published in the Ohio Star, at Ravenna, by the before-mentioned apostate Ezra, Booth. 85
Sidney Rigdon planned a visit to the town of Ravenna on Sunday,
Christmas Day, 1831, to review the letters in a public debate with Booth,
himself, whom Rigdon requested attend the meeting. In Sidney's
announcement of the debate he said the letters "are unfair and false
representation of the subject on which they treat." 86 In the same
public announcement, Rigdon also invited Simonds Ryder, who resided in
Hiram to debate the Book of Mormon with him. Ryder responded to the
invitation with a lengthy letter to the editor of the Star. He refused to
meet Sidney in public on the grounds that they both lived in Hiram, and a
private meeting would avoid them embarrassment if a problem arose. Ryder
expressed the fear that Rigdon's
Irascible temper, loquacious extravagance, impaired state of mind, and want of due respect to his superiors... would render him in such a place, unmanageable... therefore fail of accomplishing the desired object. 87
Ryder informed Sidney that since the return of the elders from
Missouri the people had generally left the Mormon meetings in Hiram and
85 History of the Church, Vol. I, p. 241.
cf Times and Seasons, V:13 (July, 15, 1844)
86 Ohio Star, II, No. 50 (December 15, 1831), n.p.
87 Ohio Star, II, No. 52 (December 29, 1831), n.p.
the debate would only serve "to save, if possible, a sinking cause." 88
He further objected to debate on the subject of the Book of Mormon because
he felt that one who accepted the book was under the necessity of
accepting all of Smith's commandments, which he was unwilling to do.
Although the Rigdon-Ryder debate never saw fruition in person, the men
continued haggling through the medium of the Star. In another issue of
that newspaper Sidney said of Ryder:
He presented himself before the public as an accusor; he has been called upon before the same public, to support his accusations; and does he come forward and do it? nay, but seeks to hide himself behind a battery of reproach, and abuse, and low insinuation[s]. 89
Accordingly, the two men never met in a public debate, and the matter between
them was dropped.
As he had previously announced, Sidney Rigdon made his trip to
Ravenna to debate with Ezra Booth; Booth failed to show up, and Sidney
proceeded to assail his character. Rigdon always maintained that Booth's
letters contained a "bundle of falsehoods" and asserted that Booth "dare
not appear in their defense because he knew his letters were false, and
would not bear the test of investigation." 90 Booth, however, did not
feel that Rigdon's accusations could be tolerared without some defense,
which he attempted through the medium of the Star. The editor, Lewis L.
Rice, upon receipt of Booth's letter, however, announced his intention of
discontinuing the controversy. He declared that out of fairness to
89 Ohio Star, III, No. 2 (January 12, 1832), n.p.
90 Messenger and Advocate, II, No. 4 (January, 1836), p. 242.
Sidney Rigdon's right for a reply, he chose not to print Booth's letter and this matter was also dropped. 91 This ended the argument between the Mormon spokesman and Ezra Booth just two weeks after the Rigdon-Ryder controversy had ended. However the full consequence of the apostasy of Ezra Booth and Simmons Ryder was yet to be felt.
Shortly following Joseph Smith's return from his first journey
to "Zion" with the elders in the summer of 1831, he made preparations to
move his family to Hiram, Portage County, Ohio, thirty miles southeast
from Kirtland where he planned to revise the King James version of the
Bible. He made the move on the 12th of September and several days
later Sidney Rigdon, his scribe, joined him the Mormon Prophet, his
wife, and adopted twin son and daughter, moved into the home of John Johnson
and his family, while Rigdon occupied a log house across the street. Hiram
had been a successful field of labor for the Mormons and according to one
historian, A. S. Hayden, "Perhaps in no other place, except Kirtland, did
the 'Latter-day Saints' gain a more permanent footing than in Hiram." 1
On the night of March 24-25, 1832, one of the most painful events
in the young Prophet's life occurred. A mob, numbering about twenty-five
or thirty, disguised with colored faces, and stimulated by whiskey,
attacked Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon in their homes. 2 Afterwards
1 Hayden, op. cit., p. 220.
2 Geauga Gazette, I, No. 23 (April 17, 1832), n. p.
the mob beat, abused, tarred and feathered the two men. The Prophet
Joseph Smith recorded the event as follows:
On the 24th of March, the twins before mentioned, which had been sick of the measles for some time, caused us to be broken of our rest in taking care of them, especially my wife. In the evening I told her she had better retire to rest with one of the children, and I would watch with the sicker child. In the night she told me I had better lie down on the trundle bed, and I did so, and was soon after awakened by her screaming murder, when I found myself going out of the door, in the hands of about a dozen men; some of whose hands were in my hair, and some had hold of my shirt, drawers and limbs. The foot of the trundle bed was towards the door, leaving only room enough for the door to swing open. My wife heard a gentle tapping on the windows which she then took no particular notice of (but which was unquestionably designed for ascertaining whether or not we were all asleep) , and soon after the mob burst open the door and surrounded the bed in an instant, and, as I said, the first I knew I was going out of the door in the hands of an infuriated mob. I made a desperate struggle, as I was forced out, to extricate myself, but only cleared one leg, with which I made a pass at one man, and he fell on the door steps. I was immediately overpowered again; and they swore by G-- --, they would kill me if I did not be still, which quieted me. As they passed around the house with me, the fellow that I kicked came to me and thrust his hand, all covered with blood, into my face and with an exulting hoarse laugh, muttered 'Gee, gee, G-- d-- ye, I'll fix ye.'
keep me from touching the ground (as they had done all the time), lest I should get a spring upon them. They held a council, and as I could occasionally overhear a word, I supposed it was to know whether or not it was best to kill me. They returned after a while, when I learned that they had concluded not to kill me, but to beat and scratch me well, tear off my shirt and drawers, and leave me naked. One cried, 'Simonds, Simonds, where's the tar bucket?' "I don't know," answered one, 'where 'tis, Eli's left it.' They ran back and fetched the bucket of tar, when one exclaimed, with an oath, 'Let us tar up his mouth;' and they tried to force the tar-paddle into my mouth; I twisted my head around, so that they could not; and they cried out, 'G--d--ye, hold up yer head and let us give ye some tar.' They then tried to force a vial into my mouth, and broke it in my teeth. All my clothes were torn off me except my shirt collar; and one man fell on me and scratched my body with his nails like a mad cat, and then muttered out: 'G-- d---ye, that's the way the Holy Ghost falls on folks!'
When the mob removed Joseph from the house, Carnot Mason assisted
others in dragging him out of bed "by the hair of his head." 4
Later, Joseph showed Levi Hancock a patch of his hair that had been
pulled out by the roots leaving the scalp bare. 5 Furthermore, the vial
3 History of the Church, I, pp. 261-263.
4 Luke Johnson, "History of Luke Johnson," Millennial Star, XXVI
said, "Carnot was the person who dragged Joseph out of the house by his
hair. Dr. Denison prepared the vial for Joseph, supposed to contain
Aqua Fortis (nitric acid)." "Journal History," December 13, 1846, p. 2.:
"Bro. Luke [S.] Johnson stated that all but one who were engaged in mobbing, tarring and Feathering Joseph and Sidney in the town of Hiram, Portage county, [Ohio], had come to some untimely end, and the survivor, Carnot Mason, had been severely afflicted, Carnot was the person who dragged Joseph out of the house by his hair. Dr. Denison prepared the vial for Joseph, supposed to be Aqua Fortis."
5 Levi Hancock, op. cit., p. 73.
that was thrust into his mouth containing nitric acid resulted in the
breakage of one of his teeth. This subsequently caused a whistling sound
when he spoke. 6 A doctor named Dennison, a member of the mob, had been
appointed to emasculate the Prophet, but upon seeing Smith's naked body
stretched on the plank, weakened in his resolve and refused to operate. 7
Rigdon who was also removed from his bed was dragged by his heels; and
while his head passed over the frozen ground, he received excessive
lacerations which left him delirious for days. One of the infants who
was being raised by the Prophet and his wife at the request if John
Murdock developed a severe cold from the night's exposure and died March
29, 1832. This child was regarded by Church historian George A. Smith
as the first martyr of the Mormon faith. 8
6 Benjamin F. Johnson, "Letter to George F. Gibbs," p. 16. Johnson said that at the August, 1844, conference in Nauvoo, Illinois, when Brigham Young began to speak to direct the affairs of the Church after the death of Joseph Smith the previous June, that Brigham Young sounded like Smith himself. Johnson said, "...as he [President Sidney Rigdon] closed his address and sat down, my back was partly turned to the seat occupied by Apostle Brigham Young and other Apostles, when suddenly, and as from Heaven, I heard the voice of the Prophet Joseph, that thrilled my whole being, and quickly turning around I saw in the transfiguration of Brigham Young, the tall, straight and portly form of the Prophet Joseph Smith, clothed in a sheen of light, covering him to his feet; and I heard the real and perfect voice of the Prophet, even to the whistle, as in years past caused by the loss of a tooth said to have been broken out by the mob at Hyrum." Italics added.
7 Luke Johnson, op. cit., p. 834.
8 Journal of Discourses, Vol. XIII, p. 106. B. H. Roberts, however, credits Andrew Barber as being the "first direct martyr" of the Church. History of the Church, I, p. 431. Young Andrew Barber, the son of Oral and Andrew Barber Sr., a resident of the Prairie branch of the Church located approximately twelve miles west of Independence, Missouri, was shot during the Battle of the Big Blue in Jackson County, August 4, 1833, during the Mormon difficulties there and died the next day. Philo Dibble, a participant in the battle described the events,
The public press sympathetically gave notice to the event as "a
base transaction, an unlawful act, a work of darkness, a diabolical
trick." "But as it is," reported the Warren News Letter, "It proves
soon after I returned [from a visit to clay county to buy gun powder] a mob of about one hundred and fifty came upon us in the dead hours of night tore down a number of our houses and whipped and abused several of our brethren. I was aroused from my sleep by the noise caused by the falling houses, and had barely time to escape to the woods with my wife and two children when they reached my house and proceeded to break in the door and tear the roof off. I was some distance away from where the whipping occurred but I heard the blows of heavy ox goads upon the backs of my brethren distinctly. The mob also swore they would tear down our grist mill, which was situated at the Colesville branch, about three miles from the settlement, and lest they should really do so, and as it was the only means we had of getting our grain ground, we were counseled to gather there and defend it. The next day we heard firing down in the Whitmer settlement, and seventeen of our brethren volunteered to go down and see what it meant. Brother George Beebe was one of those volunteers and also one of the men who was whipped the night previous. [When George Beebe's remains were laid out in December, 1881 in Provo, Utah, it was testified that he carried the marks of the whipping to his grave.] When the seventeen men arrived at the Whitmer settlement, the mob came against them and took some prisoners. Brother David Whitmer brought us the news of this and said: 'Every man go and every man take a man! We all responded and met the mob in battle, in which I was wounded with an ounce ball and two buck shot, all entering my body just at the right side of my naval. The mob were finally routed, and the brethren chased them a mile away. Several others of the brethren were also shot, and one named Barber was mortally wounded. After the battle was over, some of the brethren went to administer to him, but he objected to their praying that he might live, and asked them if they could not see the angels present. He said the room was full of them, and his greatest anxiety was for his friends to see what he saw, until he breathed his last, which occurred at three o'clock in the morning." Philo Dibble, Early Scenes in Church History, Eighth Book of the Faith-Promoting Series (Salt Lake City: Juvenile Instructor, 1882), pp. 82, 83.
In 1878 Ellis Eames wrote the following to the editor of the Deseret News from Provo, Utah: "The First Martyr, Provo City, August 9, Mr. Editor:
Sir, -- I find it due to the memory of departed friends, to place their name and character in its proper light before the public. I shall refer to the first human sacrifice, the first martyr, that fell a victim to the vengeance of an infuriate set of demons, with no other object in view, but the destruction of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. This one instance I shall record, viz: the death of Andrew Barber, cut down in the morning of his days; scarcely had eighteen summers smiled
one important truth which a very wise man knew before, that is, that
Satan hath more power than the pretended prophets of Mormonism." 9
It may be difficult to place responsibility for conceiving the plot, but
Laura L. Kimball, a resident of Hiram at the time of the event stated,
"Persecution against the Saints was very strong, and a mob led by some
apostates tarred and feathered brother Joseph and Sidney, and left brother
Joseph, as they supposed, dead upon the ground." 10 Simonds Ryder, a
participant in the mobbing who was said to be one that "did not drift on
the current," but rather one who "sets currents in motion," 11 lends some
knowledge as to the purpose and persons involved in the Hiram affair.
In a letter Ryder, a Mormon apostate, a Campbellite minister, and a
resident of Hiram, made the following observation:
In the winter of 1831 Joseph Smith, with others, had__________
upon his existence, ere we behold him on his bloody couch his weeping parents and numerous friends taking a last lingering look, at the noble and bloody sacrifice, that dared to follow where any dared to lead, placed in his rude coffin, to be consigned to its last resting place, there to remain until the trump of God shall call him forth to receive a Martyr's Crown. Peace to his ashes, long may he live in the hearts of the Saints, for there his name deserves a place. The name of Barber is yet dear to the old Jackson County veterans. I look around in vain for my old associates. Time has told a fearful tale; few are left that saw those days of trouble, when hell with all his blackest sins put on seemed intent at one fell swoop to rid the world of the name of Latter Day Saints...
Respectfully, Ellis Eames."
Letter on file in the Office of the Church Historian.
9 Warren News Letter and Trumbull County Republican (Warren), IV, No. 8 (April 10, 1832). n. p.
10 Laura L. Kimball, "Autobiography of Sister Laura L. Kimball," Deseret News Weekly, XV, No. 52 (November 28, 1866), p. 413. Italics added. [dau. of Paul Pitkin of Hiram - arrived 1819 - In the summer of '31, br. Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon removed their families from Kirtland to Hiram, Portage county, where [I] was then living. Persecution against the Saints was very strong and a mob led by some apostates tarred and feathered br. Joseph and Sidney, and left br. Joseph, as they supposed, dead upon the ground. They had flattered themselves that by that act they should destroy the faith of the church; but an acquaintance ofmine told me she was disappointed, that it had increased the faith and union of that people. -- On the last day of April, 1832, I left my home in Portage county, Ohio, my brother George, his wife and my sister Abigail, together with a large company of Saints, and journeyed to Missouri... H.C.Kimball wife -- George transported Smith to Warren after the incident]
11 B. A. Hindsdale, "Life and Character of Symonds Ryder," cited in Hayden, op. cit., p. 257.
was the apparent piety, sincerity and humility of the speakers, that many of the hearers were greatly affected, and thought it impossible that such preachers should lie in wait to deceive.
Hartwell Ryder, Simond's son, later corroborated this as the
purpose of the mobbing, for "the people did not want Hiram to be a Mormon
Another factor contributing to the participation of some in the
12 Symonds Ryder, "Letter to A. S. Hayden," February 1, 1868, cited in Hayden, op. cit., pp. 220, 221. Besides Rider's reference to the economics of the Hiram Saints as a reason for the attack, Henry Howe made the following comment: "in the winter of 1831 Joseph Smith and Sidney came to Hiram, held meetings and made many converts to the then new faith of the Latter-Day Saints, or Mormons. But after a while it was rumored that they designed eventually to get possession of all the property of their converts. The people became alarmed; among them were some of their dupes, who went to the house of Smith and Rigdon, stripped them, gave them a coat of tar and feathers, and rode them on a rail -- whereupon they left the place." Henry Howe, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 111.: [Howe: HIRAM occupies the highest elevation on the Reserve, being 1,300 feet above sea-level, which gives it great salubrity and healthfulness. This is a fine fruit and dairy region. It is twelve miles northeast of Ravenna, two miles from the N., Y., P. & O. Railroad. It has one newspaper (Bugle Echo), D. H. BEAMAN, editor, and about 500 inhabitants. It is especially noted as the seat of Hiram College, the institution where James A. Garfield was educated. Its president is George H. McLAUGHLIN. It was opened in 1851 as the Western Reserve Eclectic Institute, received its charter in 1867, and was rebuilt and enlarged in 1886. -- Jo. Smith -- The Morman Prophet. In the winter of 1831 JOSEPH SMITH and SIDNEY came to Hiram, held meetings and made many converts to the then new faith of the Latter-Day Saints, or Mormonism. But after a while it was rumored that they designed eventually to get possession of all the property of their converts. The people became alarmed; among them were some of their dupes, who went to the house of Smith and Rigdon, stripped them, gave them a coat of tar and feathers, and rode them on a rail -- whereupon they left the place. -- Jo. Smith in his personal appearance was well adapted to impose upon the weak and credulous. His complexion was of corpselike paleness and waxy, his expression grave and peculiarly sanctimonious, his words few and in sepulchral tones. At Nauvoo he claimed a revelation from Heaven to take spiritual wives and established polygamy.]
13 Deseret Semi-Weekly News [sic - D.E.N. 1902], cited in N. B. Lundwall (comp.), The Fate of the Persecutors of the Prophet Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1952), p. 75. B. H. Roberts visited Hiram, Ohio, during the latter part of the century and interviewed Hartwell Ryder concerning the mobbing.
mob was to release their resentment against Smith for influences that
interferred with their domestic harmony. "There was a man down at
Shallersville," said Hartwell Ryder, "whose wife had joined the Mormon
Church and was agoing [sic] with the Mormons to Missouri." 14 This he
resented. Inasmuch as particupants from Shallersville served in the mob,
it is plausible that they were motivated by such personal reasons.
Upon considering the general resentment and fear that was being
engendered by the stories that circulated about Smith and his people, it
was not difficult to excite those with personal grievances to participate
in the mobbing. Ostensibly, then, there were at least three factors
that prompted the vindictiveness released in the early hours of
March 25, 1832, in Hiram, Ohio, against the two chief Mormon leaders:
(1) objections to the economic order of the Church, the Law of Consecration
and Stewardship, which some thought would interfere with the private
ownership of property of the new converts in Hiram; (2) some desired to
prevent Hiram from becoming a major Mormon center; and (3) there was a
resentment for breaking up family solidarity.
The following Wednesday, March 28th, Rigdon moved his family to
Kirtland, but learning that a mob was there, he moved to Chardon the
following Saturday. Preparations were made for a second trip to Missouri,
and the Mormon President accompanied by Newel K. Whitney, Peter Whitmer,
and Jesse Gause left Hiram on April 1st. They chose not to go to Kirtland
at that time because of the threatening mob forces there. "And indeed,"
said the Prophet, "the spirit of mobocracy was very prevalent through
that whole region of country at the time." 15 Smith had his family
move back to Kirtland, and he and his party started their journey by
going to Wheeling, Virginia. Some of the members of the mob followed
them as far west as Cincinnati. 16
15 History of the Church, I, p. 265.
16 Ibid., p. 266.