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Excerpts from:
The Quest for the New Jerusalem
by: John J. Hammond

Copyright © 2012 by John J Hammond
All rights reserved - fair use excerpts transcribed


Vol. 3: "A Divided Mormon Zion"  |  Vol. 4: "An Inaccessible Mormon Zion"






Vol. 3: "A Divided Mormon Zion"




Copyright © 2012 by John J Hammond
All rights reserved - fair use excerpts transcribed

 
Phelps mentions: 42, 125, 142-44, 155, 158-59, 164-69, 203, 223, 239, 246, 252, 296-97, 320, 323-24, 326, 330, 337, 352, 354, 360, 362-69, 380-84, 395, 403, 411-13, 423, 437, 439-43, 445-48, 451, 456, 465, 467, 475, 477, 479-80, 483, 502, 512-13, 522, 526-36, 541, 544-45, 548-50

 



142-144



142                                                A  DIVIDED  MORMON  ZION                                            


must have been Joseph Smith, since the Lord would have known how to spell his name. [295] Ryder did not go to Missouri, learned more about the Law of Consecration, and, like his good friend Ezra Booth, angrily left the Church. Joseph Jr. had decided he must go to Missouri to decide upon the precise location for Zion, and D&C 52 made this official. "Joseph," Bushman declares, "said that the expedition to find the site 'was the most important subject which then engrossed the attention of the saints.' In the spring and summer of 1831, every activity anticipated the building of the city." Bushman notes that "When the call to the Missouri mission came, the revelation assured the twenty-eight elders that 'I the Lord will hasten the city in its time," [296] although 181 years later it still has not been built.

Providentially, as Joseph Jr. was preparing to go west, a man arrived from New York with his family who, though not yet a Mormon, would play a crucial role in Missouri and in the Church. Though down on his luck, William Wine Phelps -- born 17 February 1792 -- was a talented man who had been candidate for Lieutenant Governor of New York. According to Staker, "Phelps came from a prominent abolitionist family in Canandaigua (near Palmyra),' and 'had worked briefly on two newspapers, the Western Courier and the Lake Light before starting his own newspaper the Ontario Phoenix in Canandaigua (1827-28)." While his paper "focused heavily on anti-Masonic issues," it also "included a platform opposing slavery," and Phelps "printed articles in all these papers critical of issues of slavery." [297]

Though his abolitionist views appear to have been somewhat superficial, they would cause great problems for Mormons in slave-state Missouri in 1833. Bushman describes him as "a Bible-believing seeker and millenarian when he heard of the Book of Mormon's publication in Palmyra just twelve miles north of his home in Canandaigua. The book struck him as true on first reading, and a visit to Joseph Smith in December 1830 confirmed the initial impression. He delayed baptism until a decline in his fortunes the following spring, including a brief stay in debtors' prison, persuaded him to move to Kirtland and throw in his lot with the Mormons. [298] Like Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon, Phelps would be one of those indigent Mormons whose "stewardship" would be larger than his "consecration."
 



                      NORTHEASTERN OHIO OR WESTERN MISSOURI?                      143




William Wine Phelps.
Photo courtesy of International Society Daughters of Utah Pioneers.

Recognizing Phelps' intellect and publishing skills, Joseph Jr. produced a brief revelation for him (D&C 55) which indicated that, after he was baptized and ordained an elder, he would be "ordained to assist my servant Oliver Cowdery to do the work of printing, and of selecting and writing books for schools in this church, that little children also may receive instruction before me as is pleasing unto me." The Lord told him to "take your journey [to Missouri] with my servants Joseph Smith, Jun., and Sidney Rigdon, that you may be planted in the land of your inheritance to do this work."

Before leaving for Missouri, Joseph Jr. issued a revelation (D&C 56) on June 15 dealing with the parties to the Thompson economic boondoggle. Ezra Thayre's mission call to Missouri was revoked (Ezra and Lumen Copley had owned the land which originally had been given to the Colesville saints), and Selah Griffin was called to travel with Thomas B. Marsh in his place. The revelation delivered an angry ultimatum: my servant Ezra Thayre must repent of his pride, and of his selfishness, and obey the former commandment [Law of Consecration] which I have given him concerning the place upon which he lives [Thompson]. And if he will do this, as there shall be no divisions made upon the land, he shall be appointed

 



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still to go to the land of Missouri; Otherwise he shall receive the money which he has paid, and shall leave the place, and shall be cut off out of my church, saith the Lord God of hosts. ... "Wo unto you rich men, that will not give your substance to the poor, for your riches will canker your souls . . . . Wo unto you poor men, whose hearts are not broken, whose spirits are not contrite, and whose bellies are not satisfied, and whose hands are not stayed from laying hold upon other men's goods, whose eyes are full of greediness, and who will not labor with your own hands."

The Demill family -- part of the Colesville saints group of "about sixty souls" -- described their over eight hundred mile trip from Thompson (Ohio) to Jackson County (Missouri), in the following words: "June 28 (1831), set out from Ohio, arrived at Wellsville (Ohio) July 2nd, [Wellsville was a town on the Ohio River directly south of Kirtland] set out 3rd [of July, by steamboat], arrived at Louisville (Kentucky) July 7th, set out [on] 9th, arrived at St. Louis [on] 13th, set out [on ] 18th. We arrived at Independence [Missouri] July 25. Aug. 2 commenced the first house by placing the first log." [299]

Leaving Kirtland on June 19, Joseph Jr. and his party traveled by wagon, canal boat, and stagecoach to Cincinnati, and then by steamboat to Louisville and St. Louis. While at Cincinnati Joseph Jr. "had an interview with the Rev. Walter Scott, one of the founders of the Campbellites, or Newlight church. Before the close of our interview, he manifested one of the bitterest spirits against the doctrine of the New Testament (that 'these signs shall follow them that believe,' as recorded in Mark the 16th chapter,) that I ever witnessed among men." [300] There was no love lost between the Campbellites and Mormons, who were fighting over the same turf in northeastern Ohio.

At St. Louis Joseph Jr., Martin Harris, Phelps, Partridge, and Joseph Coe undertook to walk the remaining 250 miles of sparsely settled prairie in hot July weather. Rigdon, Algernon Gilbert, and Gilbert's


 





164-169




164                                                A  DIVIDED  MORMON  ZION                                            


CHAPTER 14

CANOEING  ON  THE
"BIG  MUDDY"

Behold there are many dangers upon the waters, and more especially hereafter; for I the Lord have decreed, in mine anger, many destructions upon the waters; yea, and especially upon these waters . . . . Behold I the Lord in the beginning, blessed the waters, but in the last days by the mouth of my servant John [the Revelator?], I cursed the waters: Wherefore, the days will come that no flesh shall be safe upon the waters, and it shall be said in days to come, that none is able to go up to the land of Zion, upon the waters, but he that is upright in heart. . . . And now I give unto you a commandment, that what I say unto one I say unto all, that you shall forewarn your brethren concerning these waters, that they come not in journeying upon them, lest their faith fail and they are caught in snares: I, the Lord have decreed, and the destroyer rideth upon the face thereof, and I revoke not the decree....
--- Revelation to Joseph Smith, Jr.          
at Charlton, Missouri (13 August 1831) [345]          

Joseph Smith Jr. left Independence to return to Kirtland on 9 August 1831 with "ten Elders," including Oliver Cowdery (who was momentarily leaving Missouri to visit his family and friends), Sidney Rigdon, W. W. Phelps, and Reynolds Cahoon and his companion Samuel H. Smith, Joseph Jr.'s brother. Also in the party was Ezra Booth, who was having major doubts about the Mormon enterprise by this time. His companion Isaac Morley also returned to Ohio, but only long enough to sell his property and return to

 


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Missouri, where he had been appointed to be a counselor to Bishop Partridge.

The leadership group left Independence "landing" by canoe and traveled down the Missouri River toward St. Louis. It was a notoriously dangerous river, called by the Indians "Smoky Water" and by the whites the "Big Muddy," from the sediment that its rushing waters carried along. Describing Lewis and Clark's 1804 boat trip up the Missouri from St. Louis over the very route the Mormon party took in August 1831, historian David Lavender observes: "To everyone it sooner or later became sullen, unpredictable, treacherous. The light canoes which had mastered the eastern and northern rivers would not have worked on the Missouri, even if birch-bark had grown along its bottomlands for building the fragile craft. This tumultuous river demanded force, not delicacy." [346] One major problem was the extremely dangerous "sawyers" or "snags," trees which -- having fallen into the river and gotten their roots stuck on the bottom -- left sharp branches hidden just below or barely visible just above the surface.

After a couple of days on the river, Joseph Jr. claimed that Phelps experienced a startling vision after some particularly harrowing experiences. Ezra Booth later maintained that one occurred because Joseph Jr. was piloting a canoe and, while arguing with brethren on board, almost got the canoe hung up on a "sawyer." In his History, Joseph Jr. wrote: "Nothing very important occurred till the third day, when many of the dangers so common upon the western waters, manifested themselves; and after we had encamped upon the bank of the river, at McIlwaine's Bend, Brother Phelps in open vision by daylight, saw the destroyer in his most horrible power, ride upon the face of the waters; others heard the noise, but saw not the vision." [347]

Joseph Jr.'s talk about the "horrible power" and "noise" involved in this phenomenon makes one wonder if it might have been a tornado -- after all, this area is in what today is commonly called "Tornado Alley," an area particularly prone to such sudden and violent storms, which many compare to the sound of a roaring, on-rushing locomotive. Had it been a tornado, however, everyone presumably would have seen it and called it a windstorm. Joseph Jr. simply accepted Phelps' word that the phenomenon they had experienced was "the destroyer," as it corroborated his own (and probably Phelps') demon-haunted worldview. Presumably the two of them meant Satan.

 


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but often in Joseph Jr. 's revelations and sermons the Lord was the Destroyer.

At any rate, the next morning, August 13, Joseph Jr. claimed he had received a revelation the day before (BofC 62, LDS and RLDS D&C 61) in support of Phelps' personification of the phenomenon as either divine or devilish, or perhaps both. After informing the eleven brethren that their sins were forgiven, the Lord in part declared:

But verily I say unto you, that it is not needful for this whole company of mine elders to be moving swiftly upon the waters, whilst the inhabitants on either side are perishing in unbelief. [348]

Nevertheless, I suffered it that ye might bear record:

Behold there are many dangers upon the waters and more especially hereafter: for I, the Lord, have decreed, in mine anger, many destructions upon the waters: yea, and especially upon these waters.

Nevertheless, all flesh is in mine hand, and he that is faithful among you shall not perish by the waters...

Behold I the Lord in the beginning, blessed the waters, but in the last days by the mouth of my servant John [the Revelator?], I cursed the waters:

Wherefore, the days will come that no flesh shall be safe upon the waters, and it shall be said in days to come, that none is able to go up to the land of Zion, upon the waters, but he that is upright in heart...

And now I give unto you a commandment, that what I say unto one I say unto all, that you shall forewarn your brethren concerning these waters. that they come not in journeying upon them, lest their faith fail and they are caught in her snares ["sawyers?"]

I the Lord have decreed, and the destroyer rideth upon the face thereof, and I revoke not the decree.

I, the Lord, was angry with you yesterday, but today mine anger is turned away....

And now, concerning my servants, Sidney [Rigdon], Joseph [Smith, Jr.]. and Oliver [Cowdery], let them come not again upon the waters, save it be upon the canal, while journeying unto their homes, or in other words they shall not come upon the waters to journey, save upon the canal.


 


                      NORTHEASTERN OHIO OR WESTERN MISSOURI?                      167


Behold, I, the Lord, have appointed a way for the journeying of my saints, and behold this is the way:

That after they leave the canal they shall journey by land, inasmuch as they are commanded to journey and go up unto the land of Zion; and they shall do like unto the children of Israel, pitching their tents by the way. [349]

Reading his revelations carefully in the context of what was going on in his life at the time is important to gaining an understanding of the mind of Joseph Jr. All of these wild pontifications appear to have been engendered by some scary experiences on the Big Muddy. The perspective that is revealed is a deeply disturbing one. Joseph Jr.'s God is a vengeful and angry deity, cursing the waterways and wreaking havoc and destruction upon them. The implication is that "the destroyer"-- presumably the Devil -- was "riding on the river" the previous day because God had "decreed" it. Apparently the Devil sometimes acts as the Lord's instrument of destruction.

The problems that the Mormon party had on the Big Muddy the day before, the revelation declared, occurred because God was angry with the Mormon party, but, for no apparent reason, now this completely unpredictable God 's anger was "turned away." The saints were commanded to give up river travel and stick to the canals and roads (but they and Joseph Jr. did not do so in the future), although they were supposed to be God 's chosen people, and presumably He had the "power to command the waters."

Joseph Jr. noted in his History that also on August 13, "I met several of the Elders on their way to the land of Zion" and "after the joyful salutations with which brethren meet each other," "I received" another revelation (BofC 63, LDS and RLDS D&C 62). [350] Although he did not mention who these "Elders" were, we know from John Murdock's journal that it was his brother Hyrum, Murdock, Harvey Whitlock, and David Whitmer. [351] Reynolds Cahoon, who was with Joseph Jr.'s party, noted in his journal that they met these four missionaries at Charlton on August 13," and then "we traveled [on land] to Fayette, where Brothers Joseph Smith, Oliver Cowdery and Sidney Rigdon took the stage, while Samuel H. Smith and myself journeyed by land by way of Columbia." [352]

Joseph Jr. reported that after the negative experience on the Missouri River, and the reception of two revelations, his party "continued our

 


168                                                A  DIVIDED  MORMON  ZION                                            


journey by land to St. Louis, where we overtook Brothers Phelps and Gilbert [who had gone on some undisclosed "mission"]. From this place we took stage, and they [Phelps and Gilbert] went by water to Kirtland, where we arrived safe and well on the 27th [August]." [353] After all this revelatory "sound and fury" about the danger of water travel, Phelps and Gilbert (though not Smith, Rigdon, and Cowdery) apparently traveled by steamboat to Louisville and Cincinnati (and probably on from there to Wellsville on the Ohio River). Were they not informed of the extreme danger of river travel by Joseph Jr.?

By the time Joseph Jr. returned to Ohio, substantial revelatory promises had been made to the Missouri saints. A revelation announced in Jackson County on 7 August 1831 stated that "blessed are they whose feel stand upon the land of Zion, who have obeyed my gospel; for they shall receive for their reward the good things of the earth, and it shall bring forth in its strength." [354] The saints were promised that if they led righteous lives "the fulness of the earth is yours, the beasts of the field and the fowls of the air, and that which climbeth upon the trees and walketh upon the earth; Yea, and the herb, and the good things which come of the earth, whether for food or for raiment, or for houses, or for barns, or for orchards, or for gardens, or for vineyards...." [355]

On the banks of the Missouri River on August 13 Joseph Jr. received a revelation which declared: "Behold, I, the Lord, have brought you together that the promise might be fulfilled, that the faithful among you should be preserved and rejoice together in the land of Missouri, I, the Lord, promise the faithful and cannot lie." [356] Thousands of Mormon converts took these words as divinely inspired, and Joseph Jr. would spend the rest of his life trying to explain why, after the summer of 1833, the Lord's promised Jackson County New Jerusalem could not be established. How could a few crude and violent Missourians frustrate God's will?

Richard Bushman notes that "In Southampton County, Virginia, Nat Turner, the slave visionary, was awaiting a moment for his people to rise against their masters. In February 1831, he interpreted a solar eclipse as the signal. Five months later, moved by further signs, Turner acted. In August, while Joseph [Smith Jr.] returned from Missouri, fifty slaves armed with knives and clubs slew fifty-seven whites before the outbreak was stopped. Over a hundred slaves were executed in retribution." [357]


 


                      NORTHEASTERN OHIO OR WESTERN MISSOURI?                      169


Bushman mentions this event -- along with William Miller's millennial preaching and Joseph Smith's New Jerusalem revelations -- to support his contention that 1831 was "a signal year for millenarian activity." But what was important about the bloody events in Virginia was that -- coming at a time when the northern abolitionist movement was being launched by William Lloyd Garrison and others -- it galvanized white Southerners into militant action in defense of slavery, made them super-sensitive to challenges to the institution, and made slave-owners in western Missouri far less willing to tolerate the rapid immigration of non-slaving-owning Yankee New Englanders into Jackson County


 




362-369




362                                                A  DIVIDED  MORMON  ZION                                            




CHAPTER 29

THE  SIDNEY  RIGDON  REVOLT


We waited a long time before he [Sidney Rigdon] made his appearance; at last he came in, seemingly much agitated. He did not go to the stand, but began to pace back and forth through the house [barn]. My husband [Joseph Sr.] said, “Brother Sidney, we would like to hear a discourse from you to-day." Brother Rigdon replied, in a tone of excitement, "The keys of the kingdom are rent from the Church, and there shall not be a prayer put up in this house this day." "Oh! No," said Mr. [Joseph] Smith [Sr.], "I hope not." "I tell you they are," rejoined Elder Rigdon, "and no man or woman shall put up a prayer in this place to-day." This greatly disturbed the minds of many sisters, and some brethren. The brethren stared and turned pale, and the sisters cried * * * "I tell you again," said Sidney, with much feeling, “the keys of the kingdom are taken from you, and you never will have them again until you build me a new house."
--- Lucy Mack Smith, describing Sidney Rigdon's        
actions in Kirtland (5 July 1832) [661]        

A major Mormon event of the summer of 1832 was the publication in Independence of the first issue of the Star, the Church's first periodical, and the first publication by Mormons since the Book of Mormon. It came off the press in late June, and copies were received in Kirtland in early July. Editor W. W. Phelps bragged about its frontier location: its office "is situated within 12 miles of the west line of the state of Missouri; -- which at present, is the western limits of the United States, and about 120 miles west of any press in the state." [662] He also began publishing the Upper Missouri Advertiser, more of a community newspaper. [663]

In the first Star he wrote: Early in May, Capt. Bonaville's Company, (150) under the command


 


                      NORTHEASTERN OHIO OR WESTERN MISSOURI?                      363


of Capt. [Joseph] Walker passed this town, on its way to the Rocky Mountains, to trap and hunt for fur in the vast country of the Black Feet Indians. About the middle of May, Capt. Soublett's Company (70) passed, for the Rocky Mountains, on the same business. At which time, also, Capt. Wythe of Mass., with a Company of 30, passed for the mouth of Oregon River, to prepare (as it is said) for settling a territory. During the month of May there also passed one Company bound to Sante Fe. About the 8th or 9th of this month [June] Capt. Blackwell's Company, (60 or 70) passed this place for the Rocky Mountains, in addition. [664]

This indicated how critically situated the Missouri Mormons were with regard to western trade, exploration, and settlement. Ask yourself how likely it was that the majority slave-owning Southerners in the area would have allowed for a rapid growth of religiously "strange" Mormons -- predominantly New Englanders -- which would have enabled them to monopolize the political, economic, social, and religious life of Jackson County, the future location of Kansas City? And yet "The Prophet" seems not to have grasped this potential difficulty for his projected New Jerusalem. Joseph Jr. was delighted when he received the Star, rightly seeing it as a sign of progress for the Mormon movement: "In July we received the first number of the 'Evening and Morning Star,' which was a joyous treat to the saints. Delightful indeed, was it, to contemplate, that the little band of brethren [and sisters?] had grown so large, and grown so strong, in so short a space as to be able to issue a paper of their own . . . ." He complained that "So embittered was the public mind against the truth, that the press universally had been arrayed against us; and although many newspapers published the prospectus of our new paper, yet it appeared to have been done more to calumniate the editor, than give publicity to the sheet." [665]

The Star indicated it would be a monthly and would cost $10 in advance yearly subscription. The first issue contained a brief account of how the Mormon Church had originated. It talked about how "God ministered" to the "first Elder" (Joseph Smith's name did not appear in the article) "by an holy angel" who helped him "translate" the Book of Mormon. No mention was made of a "First Vision." Key doctrines were set forth: the story of the creation, the Fall of man, the ministry, crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus, ... ...

 


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and the requirements of faith, repentance, and baptism. The "Father and Son and Holy Ghost" were spoken of as being "one God, infinite and eternal, without end." There was a brief description of the different priesthood offices, with no word of two separate levels, and no mention of the offices of "seventy" and "high priest." The duties of Apostles, Elders, Priests, Teachers, and Deacons were listed, and there were differences from current LDS Church practice. The business of "certificates" and "licenses" was spelled out: "each Priest or Teacher, who is ordained by a Priest, was to take a certificate from him at the time, which when presented to an Elder, he is to give him a license, which shall authorize him to perform the duty of his calling." [666]

There was a statement emphasizing the importance of keeping Church membership records, and the suggestion that "Any member removing from the Church where he resides, if going to a Church [branch] where he is not known, may take a letter certifying that he is a regular member and in good standing."

The long millennialist revelation (D&C 45) that was issued on 7 March 1831 was printed in full. It contained vague references to people being "gathered out" of the "eastern lands" and going forth "into the western countries," where a "New Jerusalem" would be established, but brief extracts from later revelations that were more specific about the location of "Zion" were included. Most of the paper was devoted to an odd assortment of news items from around the world -- for the most part accounts of increases in crime rates and horrible natural and man-made disasters, all apparently meant to imply that these were "signs of the times" indicating that the Second Coming of Christ was imminent. The first Star was apocalyptic in tone and message, and it contained the words to numerous hymns, many carrying a millenarian message.

The next (July) issue of the Star was somewhat more practical. It talked about the "gathering" and the "necessary preparation to meet the Savior at his second coming, with all his saints to dwell with them in the millennium reign," but it cautioned that “the Lord has commanded that it shall not be done in haste, nor by flight, but that all things shall be prepared before you . . . . And the saints will remember that the Bishop in the land of Zion, will not receive, say, as wise stewards, without they bring a recommend from the Bishop in Ohio, or from three elders." The word "recommend' would have a long life in the LDS Church.

Phelps told the elders


 


                      NORTHEASTERN OHIO OR WESTERN MISSOURI?                      365


to "be careful not to recommend and send up churches [branches] to this place, without first receiving information from the bishop in Ohio, or in the land of Zion, that they can be accommodated when they arrive, so as to be settled without confusion, which would produce pestilence." [667] Phelps reported that "between three & four hundred [Mormons] have arrived here and are mostly located upon their inheritances, and are generally in good health and spirits and are doing well." But he warned that “although Zion . . . is to become like Eden or the garden of the Lord, yet, at present it is as it were but a wilderness and desert, and the disadvantages of settling in a new country, you know, are many and great: Therefore, prudence would dictate at present the churches abroad, come not up to Zion, until preparations can be made for them, and they receive information as above." [668] These cautionary words probably would have come as a surprise to those who had read Sidney Rigdon's essay lavishly promoting the area.

Donna Hill notes that "Phelps began to denounce slackers in his newspapers, as well as any Saints who tried to better themselves independently by working for their Gentile neighbors. Joseph soon sent out a message that unless converts shared in the Law [of Consecration], they were not to be admitted to the church." [669] He printed a long article to that effect in the January 1833, Star. [670] Phelps also did not use good discretion with regard to the messages he conveyed in the Star, considering that it was likely to be read by already hostile gentile Missourians. Hill notes that his articles alerted them to the possibility of a threatening Mormon-Indian alliance. As the Saints [in Zion] grew in numbers, strength and influence, the older settlers began to look upon them with apprehension and hostility, finding cause to complain first about the Mormon attitude toward the Indians. To the old settlers, the Indians were savages and a threat to safety and property. They were dismayed by the thousands of Shawnee and other tribes evicted from their lands in Ohio, Illinois and Kentucky who were now moving through Missouri toward the great plains to which they had been banished by Andrew Jackson's decree. The settlers protested in vain against the practice most of the tribes had of camping for a night or two outside the village of Independence before crossing the Missouri border. The Mormons, however, encouraged and befriended the Indians, rejoicing and broadcasting their belief that the migrations were

 


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a manifestation of the gathering tribes of Israel. Throughout the remainder of 1832, Phelps published accounts of the Indian migrations as a manifestation of the second advent of Christ, which he predicted would occur within nine years. In his exuberance, Phelps sometimes enlarged upon official church news, and his articles often unintentionally fanned the anger of old settlers. Before the end of another year, the settlers would break into open hostility, with disastrous results for the church. [671] Hill blames this editorial policy on Phelps, but there is no indication that Joseph Jr. would have pursued a different policy for the Star had he been present in "Zion."

Interestingly enough, Joseph Jr. and Rigdon did not continue working closely together when they returned to Ohio in the summer of 1832. "Joseph left Missouri on May 6, 1832," Staker notes, "and returned to Kirtland briefly. He, Emma, and Julia took up residence again at the Johnson home [in Hiram] about July 1, where he continued his work on the Bible translation. Sidney Rigdon, who returned at the same time as Joseph, went to Kirtland where he moved his family into temporary quarters on 'the flats.'" [672]

Actually Rigdon returned to Ohio about a month earlier than Joseph Jr. and Newel Whitney. The “flats” was the land in the Chagin River valley just to the north of the present Kirtland Temple, where the Whitney Store was/is located. One wonders if there had been a falling out between Joseph Jr. and Sidney, and what soon happened in Kirtland is evidence that this was the case. A startling rebellion by Rigdon on July 5 stunned the Kirtland Mormon community. According to Van Wagoner, he left Joseph Jr. and the injured Whitney at Greenville and hurried home on his own because his nine-year-old daughter Nancy was seriously ill. "During his absence, Rigdon's large family had been shuffled from home to home, relying on the generosity of neighbors, and were boarding at Reynolds Cahoon's place when Sidney arrived. These quarters were apparently unsatisfactory. Apparently worry over his daughter's illness and despair over living quarters precipitated another virulent mood swing in Rigdon." [673]


 


                      NORTHEASTERN OHIO OR WESTERN MISSOURI?                      367


The best account of the "Rigdon explosion" was written by Lucy Smith in her mid-1840s family memoir, although she gets the date wrong, saying that it took place in the spring of 1832, before Smith and Rigdon went to Missouri. She explained that Joseph Jr. was in Hiram and that the saints had gathered in a barn in Kirtland for a Thursday evening prayer meeting, expecting a sermon from Rigdon. After describing Sidney's shocking behavior (see the quotation at the beginning of this chapter), Lucy noted that "Hyrum was vexed at this frivolous nonsense, and, taking his hat, he went out of the house, saying, "I'll put a stop to this fuss, pretty quick, I'm going for Joseph.'" [674] Philo Dibble wrote that "Brother Hyrum came to my house the next morning [Friday, July 6] and told me all about it, and said it was false, and that the keys of the kingdom were still with us. He wanted my carriage and horses to go to the town of Hiram and bring Joseph. The word went abroad among the people immediately that Sidney was going to expose Mormonism." [675]

Evidently there was fear that he would follow Ezra Booth's course, which would have been devastating given his close working relationship with Joseph Jr. and his influence among the Mormons who were former Campbellites. According to Lucy, Hyrum borrowed a horse, rode almost all night to Hiram, and he and Joseph Jr. rode back to Kirtland on Saturday. When they arrived the brethren were collected for meeting, Joseph went upon the stand, and informed the brethren that they were under a great mistake, that the Church had not transgressed; "and, as for the keys of the kingdom," said he, "I, myself, hold the keys of this Last Dispensation, and will for ever hold them, both in time and in eternity; so set your hearts at rest upon that point, all is well." He then went on and preached a comforting discourse, after which he appointed a council to sit the next day, by which Sidney was tried, for having lied in the name of the Lord. In this council Joseph told him, he must suffer for what he had done, that he should be delivered over to the buffetings of Satan, who would handle him as one man handleth another, that the less Priesthood he had, the better it would be for him, and that it would be well for him to give up his license. This counsel Sidney complied with, yet he had to suffer

 


368                                                A  DIVIDED  MORMON  ZION                                            


for his folly, for, according to his own account, he was dragged out of bed by the devil, three times in one night, by his heels. Whether this be true or not, one thing is certain, his contrition of soul was as great as a man could well live through. After he had sufficiently humbled himself, he received another license...."[676] According to Van Wagoner, "Charles C. Rich wrote that on Sunday morning, everybody turned out to meeting.' Joseph Jr. preached, 'denouncing the doctrine of Rigdon as being false.' Rich wrote that Smith took [Rigdon's] license from him and said, "The Devil would handle him as one man handles another -- the less authority he had the better....." [677]

Joseph Jr.'s handling of this affair makes it crystal clear who was in charge in the Church. Rigdon's rebellion was a direct criticism of Joseph Jr.'s handling of financial matters, as well as his sense of fair play (having a house constructed for himself but not for Rigdon). Joseph Jr. proclaimed that Rigdon's angry complaint was Devil-inspired and dismissed his “revelation” as phony (he "lied in the name of the Lord"), another example to add to the long list of Rigdon's "revelations" which even Joseph Jr. and subsequent LDS Church leaders have sought to misleadingly downplay his importance during the 1830s. According to Van Wagoner this has entailed a dishonest “retroactive” alteration of the historical record. "Together Rigdon and Smith, in a theological partnership, led a nineteenth century religious revolution that is still on-going in many respects. Rigdon's role in the birth of Mormonism was substantial, yet the lion's share of his contribution has been obscured by official alterations of original records. Once the hierarchy began to tidy up Mormon history, Rigdon was swept out of the back door." [678a]

In some respects the decision by LDS Church leaders to deliberately diminish Rigdon's importance also has been due to the obvious weaknesses of the man, which Van Wagoner fully acknowledges -- the subtitle of his biography is A Portrait of Religious Excess....


 


                      NORTHEASTERN OHIO OR WESTERN MISSOURI?                      369


"Rigdon's disfavor lasted less than three weeks," Van Wagoner observes, and "In a relatively unknown contemporary account of Rigdon's breakdown, Joseph Smith is more sympathetic. Writing to W. W. Phelps in a 31 July 1832 letter, the prophet said that "when bro Sidney learned the feelings of the Brethren in whom he had placed so much confidence, for whom he had endured so much fateague & suffering & whom he loved with so much love his heart was grieved his spirits failed & for a moment he became frantick & the advisary taking the advantage, he spake unadvisedly with his lips[.] after receiving a severe chastisement [he] resigned his commission and became a private member in the church, but has since repented like Peter of old and after a little suffering by the buffiting of Satan has been restored to his high standing in the church of God." [678b] Furthermore, Van Wagoner explains that the "Rigdon family did receive a church-provided home after this incident, and, despite the transitory loss of his senses, Sidney's stock rose again." [679]

About eight months later, on 8 March 1833, the Lord supposedly addressed a revelation to Joseph Jr. saying, among other things: Thus saith the Lord, verily, verily I say unto you my son [Joseph Jr.], thy sins are forgiven thee, according to thy petition . . . . Verily I say unto you, the keys of this kingdom shall never be taken from you, while thou art in the world, neither in the world to come . . . . And again, verily I say thy brethren Sidney Rigdon and Frederick G. Williams, their sins are forgiven them also, and they are accounted as equal with thee in holding the keys of this last kingdom . . . . And this shall be your business and mission in all your lives to preside in counsel and set in order all the affairs of this church and kingdom. (D&C 90:1, 3, 6) Of course the statement that Rigdon and Williams "are accounted as equal with" Joseph Jr. "in holding the keys of this last kingdom" was nonsense. Marquardt explains that when the 4 February 1831 revelation (BofC ???). ...











Vol. 4: "An Inaccessible Mormon Zion"




Copyright © 2012 by John J Hammond
All rights reserved - fair use excerpts transcribed

 
Phelps mentions: 2, 5-6, 14, 18, 23, 27, 30, 56, 62, 64, 68-69, 71-74, 77, 79, 81-83, 98, 103, 105, 111-12, 120, 122-23, 136-43, 151,172, 184, 208, 222, 232, 234-36, 241-42, 246-48, 256, 310-12, 314, 320-21 , 323, 327-30, 334, 336, 341-46, 373-74, 382, 384, 387, 390, 393, 396-98, 400, 406, 418-19, 459, 465-66, 468-71 , 473-74

 



122-123





122                                   AN  INACCESSIBLE  MORMON  ZION                                  


County. There is next to nothing in these issues regarding missionary work, not to mention anything providing practical advice and direction. It is hard to avoid the conclusion that the experienced newspaperman W. W. Phelps was a much more effective editor and propagandist than Cowdery.

On February 27, Phelps wrote a long letter from Clay County (Missouri) to Kirtland "detailing the farcical effort of the officers in Missouri to enforce the law." [236] Having just returned from Independence, Phelps described the attempt on the part of Governor Dunklin to convey a group of Mormon officials and witnesses to Independence to institute legal proceedings against the ''mob.'' "About a dozen of our brethren, among whom were Bishop Partridge, Elder Corrill and myself, were subpoe-naed [sic] in behalf of the state; and on the 23rd of February, about 12 o'clock, we were on the bank opposite Everett's Ferry, where we found Captain Atchison's company of [Clay County] 'Liberty Blues' -- nearly fifty rank and file-ready to guard us into Jackson county." After crossing the Missouri River, Phelps wrote, ''the witnesses, with half the company, marched nearly a mile towards Independence, to build night fires, as we were without tents, and the weather cold enough to snow a little." When Captain Atchison (one of the lawyers) learned of the hostile reaction of the Jackson County residents, he "continued the express to Colonel Allen for the two hundred drafted militia, and also to Liberty for more ammunition; and the night passed off in warlike style.

In the morning -- the day Joseph Jr. in Kirtland formally decided upon a military solution to the Missouri problem -- the Mormon officials and witnesses were conveyed into Independence. Their return to "Zion," however, was extremely short-lived: "after breakfast we were visited by the District Attorney, Mr. Reese [another one of their lawyers], and the Attorney-General, Mr. Wells. From them we learned that all hopes of criminal prosecutions were at an end. [T]he bold front of the mob; bound even unto death (as I have heard), was not to be penetrated by civil law, or awed by executive influence." Captain Atchison informed the Mormons that they had been ordered out of Jackson County by the judge, and ''we were marched out of town to the tune of Yankee Doodle, in quick time, and soon returned to our camp without the loss of any lives. This order was issued by the court, apparently, on account of the speedy gathering of the old mob, or citizens of Jackson county, and their assuming such a boisterous and mobocratic appearance.... Thus ends all hope of 'redress,' even with a guard ordered by the Governor for the protection of the court and witnesses." The editors of the History note that the "determination of

__________
236 HC, vol. I, 480-83. See also EMS, vol. II, no. 18 (March, 1834), 139; T&S, vol. VI, no.17 (November 15, 1845), 1025-1026.

 



                            EXPULSION  FROM  JACKSON  COUNTY                            123


the mob to resist the law was stronger than the determination of the state officers to execute it and make it honorable."

Phelps commended Captain Atchison for his "gallantry and hospitality," and the conduct of his Clay County militia as "highly reputable," and he declared that, had the militia not been with them, the results would have been "fatal." Ominously, he reported that the "mob has quit whipping and now beats with clubs," and he graphically described the beatings of Mormons Lyman Leonard, Josiah Sumner and Barnet Cole. "The mob have commenced burning houses, stacks, etc.; and we shall not think it out of their power, by any means, to proceed to murder any of our people that shall try to live in that country, or perhaps, only go there." One suspects that had the hawkish Joseph Smith, Lyman Wight, and Parley Pratt been present with Phelps, Corrill, and Partridge on this military -- escorted return to Independence, they would not have been so optimistic about the prospect of "reclaiming" the "promised land" by force of arms.

Governor Dunklin determined that the Mormons had been unlawfully deprived of their arms in Jackson County, and Donna Hill reports that he "sent a direct order to Colonel Pitcher for their return, but by this time the arms had been dispersed among the mob, who insolently refused to surrender them, and they were never retrieved." She concludes that at this point it "began to seem to some of the Saints in Missouri that they had no recourse but to recover their rights for themselves; [237] and apparently she means by force of arms. Actually, it was Parley Pratt, Lyman Wight, and foolish leaders in Kirtland, led by Joseph Jr., who had concluded this. Many of the brethren in Missouri (in particular Corrill, Phelps, Partridge, and Gilbert) were painfully aware of how suicidal and futile armed conflict would be, though apparently many of them nevertheless were willing to fall on their swords for the Lord/Joseph Jr. As Phelps put it at the end of his letter: "Our Savior laid down His life for our sakes... shall we fear to do at least this much for Jesus who has done so much for us? No; we will obey the voice of the Spirit that God mayover come the world."

Meanwhile, traveling from one small Mormon community to another, Joseph Jr. and other Kirtland leaders moved northeast along Lake Erie through western Pennsylvania and New York, arriving at Brother Nickerson's on March 5. The 1845 Nauvoo Times and Seasons account reported that "We called the church together, and related unto them what had happened to our brethren in Zion, and opened to them the prophecies and revelations concerning the order of the gathering to Zion, and the means of her redemption; and I prophesied to them, and the spirit of the Lord came

__________
237 Joseph Smith: The First Mormon, 167.



 




136-143





136                                   AN  INACCESSIBLE  MORMON  ZION                                  


CHAPTER 15

THE  MISSOURI  BRETHREN
SEEK  AN  ALTERNATIVE
TO  VIOLENCE

As our Jackson [County] foes and their correspondents are busy in circulating slanderous and wicked reports concerning our people, their views, etc., we have deemed it expedient to inform your Excellency that we have received communications from our friends in the East, informing us that a number of our brethren, perhaps two or three hundred, would remove to Jackson county in the course of the ensuing summer; and we are satisfied that when the Jackson mob get the intelligence that a large number of our people are about to remove into that country, they will raise a great hue-and-cry, and circulate many bugbears through the medium of their favorite press...
--- Letter from Missouri Mormon leaders         
to Missouri Governor Dunklin (April 28, 1834).         

On the day that Joseph Smith took action in Kirtland to effectively end radical socio-economic communitarianism in the Church -- 10 April 1834 -- Mormon leaders in Missouri launched a fruitless effort to persuade the national government to come to their assistance. This can also be seen as a move by the "doves" in Missouri to achieve their objectives without violence. A letter signed by Gilbert, Phelps, and Partridge was sent to President Andrew Jackson, and it was accompanied by a second petition (an earlier one had been sent to the President in October 1833), as well as a copy of a 12 December 1833 handbill, all describing the nasty treatment the Mormons had received in Jackson County. This second petition was signed by 114 Missouri Mormons, including Partridge, Gilbert, Phelps, John Whitmer, Isaac Morley, and John Corrill. A letter signed by Phelps

 



                            EXPULSION  FROM  JACKSON  COUNTY                            137


Whitmer, Gilbert, Partridge, and Corrill was sent the same day to Governor Dunklin asking him to write President Jackson in support of their petition. [262]

A few lines from the Governor of the state, in connection with our humble entreaties for our possessions and privileges, we think would be of considerable consequence towards bringing about the desired result, and would be gratefully acknowledged by us, and we may add, by all honorable men. We therefore, as humble petitioners, ask as a favor of your Excellency to write to the President of the United States, that he may assist us, or our society, in obtaining our rights in Jackson county, and help protect us when there, till we are safe.

That day Phelps also wrote to Missouri U.S. Senator Thomas Hart Benton (a Democrat) attempting to enlist his support in this endeavor. [263] He sought to portray himself as a potentially influential supporter of the Democratic Party in western Missouri: "you may remember that I was about to establish last summer, previous to the destruction of my office by the mob, a weekly newspaper, in favor of the present [Jackson] administration," and "my determination is to publish a weekly paper, in Jackson county, in favor of the present administration as soon as our society is restored to its legal rights and possessions." He pointed out that "my press, which was wrested from me, is now printing a mean opposition paper [presumably Whig], by 'Kelly and Davis.'" Phelps referred Benton to an apparently enclosed copy of the Mormon "petition and hand-bill" sent to President Jackson, but he did not ask Benton to support it.

In the April 10 petition, the Missouri Mormon leaders graphically described the savage treatment they have received, and stated that "Between one and two thousand of the people called 'Mormons' had been driven by force of arms from the county of Jackson in this state since the first of November last, being compelled to leave their highly cultivated fields... and all this on account of our belief in direct revelation from God to the children of men according to the Holy Scriptures." Ignoring the awful treatment of slaves, free Negroes, and Indians in the U.S., the petition claimed that "such illegal violence has not been inflicted upon any sect of community of people by the citizens of the United States since the Declaration of independence." Falsely arguing that the expulsion of Mormons from Jackson County was simply a case of "religious persecution," the petition portrayed the situation as one of majority tyranny:

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262 HC, vol. I, 483-87.

263 Ibid., 487-88.

 



138                                   AN  INACCESSIBLE  MORMON  ZION                                  


for while the officers of the county, both civil and military, were accomplices in these unparalleled outrages, engaged in the destruction of the printing office, dwelling houses, etc., yet the records of the judicial tribunals of that county are not stained by any record of crime committed by our people. Our numbers being greatly inferior to the enemy were unable to stand in self defense; and our lives, at this day, are continually threatened by that infuriated people, so that our personal safety forbids one of our number going into that county on business.

These outrages, the petition noted, have been perpetrated by "a band of outlaws congregated in Jackson county, on the western frontiers of the United States, and this within about thirty five miles of the United States military post of Fort Leavenworth, on the Missouri river." Calling these events "an unprecedented emergency in the history of our country," the petitioners claimed that the Missouri government had done nothing to redress their grievances. They conceded Governor Dunklin's argument that he lacked the authority to assist them, but they argued that the President had such authority.

But the powers vested in the executive of this state appear to be inadequate for relieving the distresses of your petitioners in their present emergency. He is willing to send a guard to conduct our families back to their possessions, but is not authorized to direct a military force to be stationed any length of time for the protection of your petitioners. This step would be laying the foundation for a more fatal tragedy than the first, as our numbers at present are too small to contend single handed with the mob of said county; and as the Federal Constitution has given to Congress the power to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, or repel invasions: and for these purposes the President of the United States is authorized to make the call upon the executive of the respective states; therefore, we your petitioners, in behalf of our society, which is so scattered and suffering, most humbly pray that we may be restored to our lands, houses, and property in Jackson county, and protected in them by an armed force, till peace can be restored.

In the letter accompanying this petition, the Mormon leaders declared that they "hope, that this communication will not pass unnoticed, but that the President will consider our location on the extreme western frontier of the United States, exposed to many ignorant and lawless ruffians, who are





                                EXPULSION  FROM  JACKSON  COUNTY                                 139


already congregated, and determined to nullify all law that will secure to your petitioners the peaceable possession of their lands in Jackson county." They suggested that "the number of men composing the mob of Jackson county, may be estimated at from three to five hundred, most of them equipped with firearms." They appealed for immediate relief: "if it should be the disposition of the President to grant aid, we most humbly entreat that early relief may be extended to suffering families, who are now expelled from their possessions by force of arms. Our lands in Jackson county, are about thirty miles distant from [U.S.] Fort Leavenworth, on the Missouri River." [264]

In a postscript, the Mormon leaders added that the Missouri "Attorney-General of the state, and the District Attorney, knowing the force and power of the mob, advised us to relinquish all hope of criminal prosecution to effect anything again st that band of outlaws, and we returned under guard, without the least prospect of ever obtaining our rights and possessions in Jackson county, by any other means than a few companies of the United States regular troops, to guard and assist us till we are safely settled." Clearly the tantalizing proximity of federal troops at nearby Fort Leavenworth gave hope to the Mormon leaders, but neither the constitutional nor political realities allowed for federal intervention on the side of this unpopular minority of eastemers in a slave state.

Governor Dunklin responded to the letter from the Mormon leaders on 20 April 1834, [265] making it clear that they could expect no assistance from him or from the President. "If you ask for that which I may be of opinion he [President Jackson] has power to grant, I should have no objection to join in urging it upon him; but I could no more ask the President -- however willing I am to see your society restored and protected in their rights -- to do that which I may believe he has no power to do, than I could do such an act myself." Dunklin was right about the President's constitutional situation, but he was not correct when he claimed th at the Missouri Governor did not have the power to intercede on the Mormons' behalf. He had the constitutional power, but not the political power and will to do so.

Dunklin concluded by observing that there was considerable sympathy for their plight -- outside of Jackson County, of course -- and that they should not do anything to undermine that sympathy. "Permit me to suggest to you, that as you now have greatly the advantage of your adversaries, in public estimation, there is a great propriety in retaining that advantage, which you can easily do by keeping your adversaries in the wrong. The laws, both civil and military, seem deficient in affording your society proper protection:

__________
264 Emphasis in original.

265 HC, vol. I, 488-89.





140                                   AN  INACCESSIBLE  MORMON  ZION                                  


nevertheless, public sentiment is a powerful corrector of error, and you should make it your policy to continue to deserve it." While good advice, it was not very helpful because what "public" support the Mormons presently enjoyed in Missouri outside Jackson County was paper thin, at best. That, of course, was why the Governor had decided not to intervene. His advice should have been sent directly to Kirtland, because the tepid sympathy for the Mormons in Missouri outside Jackson County would quickly have eroded had it been known that a "Mormon army" was being assembled in the "East" (and North) to reclaim Jackson County by force.

Dunklin was correct in his estimation of what President Jackson's response to their petition would be. On 2 May 1834, Secretary of War Lewis Cass replied to the Mormons on behalf of the President: "The offenses of which you complain are violations of the state of Missouri, and not of the laws of the United States. The powers of the President under the constitution and laws to direct the employment of a military force, in cases where the ordinary civil authority is found insufficient, extend only to proceedings under the laws of the United States." Cass explained that if there was an "insurrection in any state... against the government thereof, the President is required on the application of such state, or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened), to call forth such number of the militia, as he may judge sufficient to suppress such insurrection." He hastened to add that ''this state of things does not exist in Missouri," and the "President cannot call out a military force to aid in the execution of the state laws, until the proper requisition is made upon him by the constituted authorities." [266] Clearly Governor Dunklin had not asked the federal government to intervene, although he had apparently convinced the Mormon leaders in Missouri that he did not have the constitutional and legal authority to help them, which was not true.

Four days after Dunklin's letter was written, and probably before they had received it, Gilbert, Partridge, Phelps, Corrill and John Whitmer wrote again to the Governor. [267] Evidently they had just received word from Kirtland that a Mormon army was preparing to leave for Missouri, which may have come as something of a shock. Given the new circumstances, they again requested that "an order might be issued for the return of our arms [from Colonel Pitcher], of which we have been wrongfully dispossessed," and they informed Dunklin of their militant change of course, even telling him that the Zion's Camp force was on its way to Missouri.

As suggested in your communication of the 4th of February, we have concluded to organize [militarily] according to law, and apply for public

__________
266 HC, vol. I, 493.

267 HC, vol. I, 489-91.

 



                            EXPULSION  FROM  JACKSON  COUNTY                            141


arms; but we feared that such a step, which must be attended with public ceremonies, might produce some excitement; and we have thus far delayed any movement of that nature, hoping to regain our arms from Jackson county, that we might independently equip ourselves, and be prepared to assist in the maintenance of our constitutional rights and liberties, as guaranteed to us by our country; and also to defend our persons and property from a lawless mob, when it shall please the executive at some future day, to put us in possession of our homes, from which we have been most wickedly expelled....

As our Jackson foes and their correspondents are busy in circulating slanderous and wicked reports concerning our people, their views, etc., we have deemed it expedient to inform your Excellency that we have received communications from our friends in the East, informing us that a number of our brethren, perhaps two or three hundred, would remove to Jackson county in the course of the ensuing summer; and we are satisfied that when the Jackson mob get the intelligence that a large number of our people are about to remove into that country, they will raise a great hue-and-cry, and circulate many bugbears through the medium of their favorite press; but we think your Excellency is well aware that our object is purely to defend ourselves and possessions against another outrageous attack from the mob, inasmuch as the executive of this state cannot keep up a military force "to protect our people in that county, without transcending his powers." We want, therefore, the privilege of defending ourselves, and the constitution of our country, while God is willing we should have a being on His footstool.

We do not know at what time our friends will arrive, but expect more certain intelligence in a few weeks. Whenever they do arrive, it would be the wish of our people in this county, to return to our homes, in company with our friends, under guard; and when once in legal possession of our homes in Jackson county, we shall endeavor to take care of them, without further wearying the patience of our worthy chief magistrate. We will write hereafter, or send an express. During the intermediate time, we would be glad to hear of the prospects of recovering our arms.

That the Missouri leaders had hopes that the bulk of the Zion's Camp force -- perhaps even including their "Prophet" -- intended to permanently reside in "Zion' after they arrived there, is indicated by the postscript they added: "P.S. Many of the brethren who are expecled here soon, had made arrangements to emigrate to this State before the outrages of the mob last fall."




142                                   AN  INACCESSIBLE  MORMON  ZION                                  


On May 2 Governor Dunklin replied to the above letter. [268] declaring that "I find no difficulty in deciding that the arms your people were required to surrender on the 5th of last November, should be returned, and have issued an order to Colonel Lucas to deliver them to you or your order, which order is here enclosed." In the May 2 order to Lucas, the Governor stated that the "court ordered to inquire" into the matter had unanimously concluded that there was no insurrection on that day, and that Colonel Pitcher was not authorized to call out his troops on the 5th of November, 1833. It was then unnecessary to require the Mormons to give up their arms. Therefore, you will deliver to W W Phelps, Edward Partridge, John Corrill, John Whitmer, and A. S. Gilbert, or their order, fifty-two guns and one pistol reported by Lieutenant-Colonel Pitcher to you on the 3rd of December last, as having been received by him from the Mormons on the 5th of the preceding October [November].

Before getting the Governor's order, Lucas left Jackson County, settled in Lexington, Missouri, and resigned his militia commission. A second order from Governor Dunklin was therefore sent to Colonel Pitcher, "but between the issuing of the two orders * * * the arms were distributed among the mob, and they insolently boasted that the arms should not be returned, notwithstanding the order of the chief executive of the state." [269]

Probably not expecting to have their weapons returned, the Missouri Mormons began to arm themselves as best they could. "About this time the saints of Clay county, Missouri, established an armory, where they commenced manufacturing swords, dirks, pistols, stocking rifles, and repairing arms in general for their own defense against mob violence, many arms were purchased, for the leading men in Clay county rendered every facility in their power, in order, as they said 'to help the Mormons settle their own difficulties, and pay the Jackson mob in their own way." [270]

It may be that some “leading men in Clay county" -- probably the Mormons' gentile lawyers -- supported this military effort, but it would quickly become clear that most residents of the county did not.

Many of the Missouri Mormon leaders must have harbored deep misgivings about the new course of action emanating from Kirtland, even if they quickly bowed to Joseph Jr.'s wishes and revelations and accepted it. It may well be that their Jackson County enemies got wind of the planned military campaign against them from the above letter to the Governor, and perhaps some Mormons in Missouri could not resist bragging about what they intended to do once the Mormon troops arrived.

__________
268 HC, vol. I, 491.

269 Ibid., 492 note.

270 T&S, vol. VI, no. 20 (January 1, 1846), 1075. See also HC, vol. II, 69.

 



                            EXPULSION  FROM  JACKSON  COUNTY                            143


W. W. Phelps wrote to Kirtland from Liberty, Clay County, Missouri on 1 May 1834 [271] informing the Kirtland leaders that word of the Mormon militaristic intentions was provoking a severe response even before the Zion's Camp force had left Kirtland.

Last week an alarm was spread in Jackson county, the seat of iniquity and blood-shed, that the "Mormons" were crossing the Missouri, to take possession of their lands, and nearly all the county turned out, "prepared for war" on Saturday and Sunday took the field, near old McGees, above Blue [River]; but no Mormons came.... [T]he scene closed by burning our houses, or many of them. Our people had about one hundred and seventy buildings in Jackson, and a bonfire of nearly all of them at once, must have made a light large enough to have glared on the dark deed and cup of iniquity running over, at midnight." [There is some question whether this claim was true] "The crisis has come, all who will not take up arms with the mob and prepare to fight the 'Mormons have to leave Jackson county."

I understand some have left the county because they refused to fight an innocent people. It is said the mob will hold a "general muster" this week for the purpose of learning who is who. They begin to slip over the Missouri [River] and commit small depredations upon our brethren settled near the river, as we have reason to believe. It is said to be enough to shock the stoutest heart to witness the drinking, swearing, and ravings of the most of the mob: nothing but the powers of God can stop them in their latter day crusade against the Church of Christ.

On May 7 Gilbert and Phelps wrote to Governor Dunklin claiming that 100-150 Mormon homes in Jackson County had been burned, and that “our arms were also taken from the depository (the jail) about ten days since, and distributed among the mob." They also contended that their Jackson County enemies were attempting to undermine their position in general in western Missouri: "Great efforts are now making by said mob to stir up the citizens of this county (Clay) and Lafayette, to similar outrages against us; but we think they will fail of accomplishing their wicked designs in this county" [272]

They were engaging in wishful thinking.

__________
271 T&S, 1072-73. See also HC, vol. II, 61-62; EMS, vol. II , no. 20 (May, 1834), 160.

272 HC, vol. I, 491-92.

 





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