Chapter  IX

The Nature and Extent of Anti-Mormon Resentment, Continued.

Anti-Mormon Resistance by Mob Violence

On the 24th of March, the twins before mentioned, which had been sick of the measles for some time, caused us to be broken of our rest in taking care of them, especially my wife. In the evening I told her she had better retire to rest with one of the children, and I would watch with the sicker child. In the night she told me I had better lie down on the trundle bed, and I did so, and was soon after awakened by her screaming murder, when I found myself going out of the door, in the hands of about a dozen men; some of whose hands were in my hair, and some had hold of my shirt, drawers and limbs. The foot of the trundle bed was towards the door, leaving only room enough for the door to swing open. My wife heard a gentle tapping on the windows which she then took no particular notice of (but which was unquestionably designed for ascertaining whether or not we were all asleep) , and soon after the mob burst open the door and surrounded the bed in an instant, and, as I said, the first I knew I was going out of the door in the hands of an infuriated mob. I made a desperate struggle, as I was forced out, to extricate myself, but only cleared one leg, with which I made a pass at one man, and he fell on the door steps. I was immediately overpowered again; and they swore by G-- --, they would kill me if I did not be still, which quieted me. As they passed around the house with me, the fellow that I kicked came to me and thrust his hand, all covered with blood, into my face and with an exulting hoarse laugh, muttered 'Gee, gee, G-- d-- ye, I'll fix ye.'

They then seized me by the throat and held on till I lost my breath. After I came to, as they passed along with me about thirty rods from the house I saw Elder Rigdon stretched out on the ground, whither they had dragged him by his heels. I supposed he was dead. I began to plead with them, saying, "You will have mercy and spare my life, I hope." To which they replied, "G--d--ye, call on yer God for help, we'll show ye no mercy;" and the people began to show themselves in every direction; one coming from the orchard had a plank; and I expected they would kill me, and carry me off on the plank. They then turned to the right, and went on about thirty rods further; about sixty rods from the house, and thirty from where I saw Elder Rigdon, into the meadow, where they stopped, and one said, "Simonds, Simonds," (meaning, I supposed, Simonds Ryder,) "pull up his drawers, pull up his drawers, he will take cold." Another replied: Ain't ye going to kill 'im? ain't ye going to kill 'im? when a group of mobbers collected a little way off, and said: "Simonds, Simonds, come here;" and "Simonds" charged those who had hold of me to

keep me from touching the ground (as they had done all the time), lest I should get a spring upon them. They held a council, and as I could occasionally overhear a word, I supposed it was to know whether or not it was best to kill me. They returned after a while, when I learned that they had concluded not to kill me, but to beat and scratch me well, tear off my shirt and drawers, and leave me naked. One cried, 'Simonds, Simonds, where's the tar bucket?' "I don't know," answered one, 'where 'tis, Eli's left it.' They ran back and fetched the bucket of tar, when one exclaimed, with an oath, 'Let us tar up his mouth;' and they tried to force the tar-paddle into my mouth; I twisted my head around, so that they could not; and they cried out, 'G--d--ye, hold up yer head and let us give ye some tar.' They then tried to force a vial into my mouth, and broke it in my teeth. All my clothes were torn off me except my shirt collar; and one man fell on me and scratched my body with his nails like a mad cat, and then muttered out: 'G-- d---ye, that's the way the Holy Ghost falls on folks!'

They then left me, and I attempted to rise, but fell again; I pulled the tar away from my lips, so that I could breathe more freely, and after up, whereupon I saw two lights. I made my way towards one of them, and found it was Father Johnson's. When I came to the door I was naked, and the tar made me look as if I were covered with blood, and when my wife saw me she thought I was all crushed to pieces, and fainted. During the affray abroad, the sisters of the neighborhood had collected at my room. I called for a blanket, they threw me one and shut the door; I wrapped it around me and went in. [[3 History of the Church, I, pp. 261-263.]]

In consequence of the persecution which raged against the Prophet Joseph, it was found necessary to keep continual guard to prevent his being murdered by his enemies, who were headed by Joseph H. Wakefield and Dr. P. Hurlburt, the latter of whom had been expelled from the Church for adultery. [[17 George A. Smith, op. cit., entry near the end of 1833.]]

At a time when Joseph Smith was guarded day and night by his brethren from mob violence, that he might perform his necessary business labors and get the necessary night's rest and that his life should be safe; he was in a log house at night. Several brethren were with him and were making arrangements as to who should stand guard that night.

Joseph was listening to the prayer of a little boy in the room adjoining. The boy prayed for the prophet, that he might be secure and safe from his enemies, the mob, that night.

When the boy had done praying, Joseph turned to his brethren and told them all to go to bed and all sleep and rest themselves that night, for God had heard and would answer that boy's prayer. They all went to bed and slept safely until morning undisturbed. [[20 Oliver Huntington, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 167, 168.]]

Ever since my arrival in Kirtland, I had stood guard at night in consequence of the Mob and persecutions we endured. Especially this winter of 1835 I frequently taking [sic] my blanket and sleeping in Joseph's house and guarding my portion of the time and continued as

one of Joseph's body guards until I left Kirtland. [[22 Ames, op. cit., 1835 entry. He left Kirtland in January, 1838, shortly after the departure of the Prophet. end22]]

All the Church in Kirtland had to lie every night for a long time upon our arms to keep off mobs, of forties , of eighties, & of hundreds to save our lives and the press, and that we might not be scattered & driven to the four winds! [[25 Joseph Smith, "Letter to Edward Partridge and others of the Firm," March 30, 1834. Located on microfilm at Brigham Young University Library. end25]]

The threats of the mob about Kirtland through the fall and winter had been such as to cause the brethren to be constantly on the lookout, and those who labored on the temple were engaged at night watching to protect the walls they had laid during the day, from threatened violence. On the morning of the 8th of January, about 1 o'clock, the inhabitants of Kirtland were alarmed by the firing of about thirteen rounds of cannon, by the mob, on the hill about half a mile northwest of the village. [[27 History of the Church. II, p. 2.]]

We had been threatened by a mob from Painesville to visit us that night and demolish our Bank and take our property but they did not appear but the wrath of our enemies appears to be kindled against us. This in part is the scourge that hath awaited us, but may the Lord show us mercy and deliver us from the hands of our enemies for Christ's (sake). [[31 Woodruff, op. cit., p. 80.]]

Vexatious Law Suits

Not only are their characters [i. e. the Saints] vilified and slandered by every little two-penny filthy sheet from Maine to Georgia, opposed to the rights of conscience... but time and again, are they perplexed and harassed with suits at law, brought by enemies on trivial pretenses. [[34 Messenger and Advocate, II, No. 9 (June, 1836), p, 333.]]

Smith and Rigden, with others, complained much of the ill treatment they had received from the dissenters and others; they said they had been harassed to death, as it were, for seven or eight years... [[35 Corrill, op. cit., p. 29.]]

Joseph was sued before a magistrate's court in Painesville on a vexatious suit. I carried him from Kirtland to Painesville, with four or five others, in my wagon every morning for five days, and brought them back in the evening. We were often waylaid, but managed to elude our enemies by rapid driving and taking different roads. Esq. Bissell defended the Prophet. [[37 Heber C. Kimball, "History of Brigham Young," Millennial Star,, XXVI, No. 34 (August 20, 1864), p. 535.]]

All their vain babblings and pretensions were pretty strongly set forth and noticed in the columns of the TELEGRAPH. In view of all their gaseous pretensions the surrounding country was becoming somewhat sensitive, and many of our citizens thought it advisable to take all the legal means within their reach to counteract the progress of so dangerous an enemy in their midst, and many law suits ensued. [[38 E. D. Howe, Autobiography, p. 45. Italics added.]]

He said he wished to talk with me and we stepped aside. He then told me he did not want me to go for his bail for Joe was making his escape to Canada and I would have to pay the bonds. I told him I was not uneasy about that for he would return before Court set. He asked me if I had sold my farm in Madison. I told him no. Had I mortgaged it? I told him it was perfectly clear. I owed no man. He said, 'Now Anson, I don't want you to do it, I will push the bonds,' I told him I was willing to run all the risks and according to his oath he was under obligation to take me. 'Come ahead,' said he, 'and sign the bonds.' I signed them. Joseph was set at liberty and prosecuted his journey. He arrived at Fairport a distance of 4 miles and engaged his passage on a steam boat. The Sheriff pursued him with another writ. The company went back with him to Painesville [where] he stood trial and was acquitted. [[42 Anson Call, A document dated July 27, 1837, bearing no title is on file in the Church Historian's Office. Minor punctuation inclusions are added to the original by the present writer. See also "Journal History," July 27, 1837, for another statement by Anson Call. Albert P. Rockwood also stated that Smith's party journeyed to Fairport during the day, but neither Brigham Young's account not the Prophet's reference to the incident include that point. end42]]

A man who had a few weeks previously brought new fashioned cooking stove to Kirtland, and prevailed on me to put it up in my kitchen, saying it would give credit to his stove, wishing to have it tested by our people; and now he thought it would be a good time to get pay for it. I gave my watch to the officer for security and we all returned home. [[46 History of the Church, II, p. 502.]]

Complaint of Mr. Grandison Newell against the defendant [Smith], charging him with an attempt to take the life of said complainant, by inducing two individuals to lay in wait for said Newell, near his dwelling in order to shoot him... [[53 Painesville Telegraph, III, No. 23 (June 9, 1837), n. p.]]

I [i. e. the editor of the Republican] attended the trial and took down the evidence, but was much surprised to find that no testimony appeared, on which, any reliance could be placed, that went in the least degree to criminate the respondent, but rather to raise him in the estimation of men of candor. But the Justice of the Peace who had been selected to try the question, decided otherwise, and Mr. Smith was held to bail in the sum of $500, to appear at the Court of Common Pleas, at the next term, which commenced the Monday following, being last week. The trial again came on before the County Court, on Friday last... [[58 Ohio Statesman, I, No. 1 (July 5, 1837), n. p. citing the Painesville Republican.]]

It will be recollected that the Mormon Prophet was apprehended a short time since, on a charge of inducing two of his followers to destroy the life of Mr. Newell. He was trued by the County Court last Friday, and acquitted [[60 Painesville Telegraph, III, No. 24 (June 16, 1837), n. p. ]]

But admit, a moment, that suspicions attach to Denton, then, is his evidence corroborated by any other witnesses? Sidney Rigdon, however much to be doubted on other occasions is a credible witness when he gives testimony against the prophet. He said, about two years ago, information came to him from some quarter, but from whom he could not remember, that Davis and Denton entertained designs against my life; that he believed this report, and informed Smith of it; and that afterwards Smith told him that through his influence Davis and Denton had laid aside their purpose. Now the fact that Davis and Denton entertained a purpose to kill me, is proved by Rigdon, a 'saint of the latter day,' and by the confession of Smith, as sworn by Rigdon. One point sworn

to by Denton is thus fully established by the corroborating attestation of Rigdon. [[62 Idem. Italics added.]]

Let us look at the very case alluded to in the Telegraph [i. e. Newell's letter of defense] and bring to view some facts in relation to it. Mr. Newell resides in Mentor, about seven miles from Painesville and within two miles of the Mormon settlement, where Joseph Smith, jr., resides. In preferring his complaint against Smith -- why did he depart from the common practice, and drag Mr. Smith and his witnesses through his own town to a distance of nine miles from home, to Painesville, when there are two Justices of the Peace in Mentor, where he resides. Was it done to harrass [sic] Mr. Smith and subject him to a greater bill of expense in defending himself? or was it because he could not find one sufficiently subservient to his views, without coming to this place? The complainant, respondent and the witnesses on both sides were most if not all residents in and near Kirtland -- who, contrary to the usual practice in legal proceedings, were compelled to travel nine miles to attend the trial before Mr. Justice Flint, although there is a Justice of the Peace within two miles of Mr. Newell's residence, in his own Town. I ask again, why was Mr. Flint selected to sit in judgment in this case. Those who know the circumstances have reason to say, in answer to these questions, that it was done, first the more to harrass the mormons -- secondly, that it was desirable to have it before a man whose civil and political associations promised a result favorable to the complainant's views -- and thirdly, that it was designed to have a political bearing, and the better to affect this object, one who has hitherto been one of the